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Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (March 17, 1920 – August 15, 1975) was a Bengali politician and the founding leader of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, generally considered in the country as the father of the Bangladeshi nation. He headed the Awami League, served as the first President of Bangladesh and later became its Prime Minister. He is popularly referred to as Sheikh Mujib, and with the honorary title of Bangabandhu ("Friend of Bengal"). His eldest daughter Sheikh Hasina Wajed is the present leader of the Awami League and the current Prime Minister of Bangladesh. A
student political leader, Mujib rose in East Pakistani politics and
within the ranks of the Awami League as a charismatic and forceful orator. An advocate of socialism,
Mujib became popular for his leadership against the ethnic and
institutional discrimination of Bengalis. He demanded increased
provincial autonomy, and became a fierce opponent of the military rule
of Ayub Khan. At the heightening of sectional tensions, Mujib outlined a 6-point autonomy plan, which was seen as separatism in West Pakistan. He was tried in 1968 for allegedly conspiring with the Indian government but
was not found guilty. Despite leading his party to a major victory in
the 1970 elections, Mujib was not invited to form the government. After talks broke down with President Yahya Khan and West Pakistani politician Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Sheikh Mujib on 26 March 1971 announced the declaration of independence of East Pakistan and announced the establishment of the sovereign People's Republic of Bangladesh. Subsequently he was arrested and tried by a military court during his nine month detention. Guerrilla war erupted
between government forces and Bengali nationalists aided by India. An
all out war between the Pakistan Army and Bangladesh and India Joint Forces
led to the establishment of Bangladesh, and after his release Mujib
assumed office as a provisional president, and later prime minister.
Even as a constitution was adopted, proclaiming socialism and a secular
democracy, Mujib struggled to address the challenges of intense poverty
and unemployment, coupled with rampant corruption. Amidst rising
popular agitation, he banned other political parties and established a one party state. After only seven months, Mujib was assassinated along with most of his family by a group of army officers. Rahman was born in Tungipara, a village in Gopalganj District in the province of Bengal, to Sheikh Lutfar Rahman, a serestadar,
an officer responsible for record keeping at the Gopalganj civil court.
He was the third child in a family of four daughters and two sons. In
1929, Rahman entered into class three at Gopalganj Public School, and
two years later, class four at Madaripur Islamia High School. However,
Mujib was withdrawn from school in 1934 to undergo eye surgery, and
returned to school only after four years, owing to the severity of the
surgery and slow recovery. At the age of eighteen, Mujib married Begum Fazilatnnesa. She gave birth to their two daughters — Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana — and three sons — Sheikh Kamal, Sheikh Jamal and Sheikh Russel. Mujib became politically active when he joined the All India Muslim Students Federation in 1940. He enrolled at the Islamia College (now Maulana Azad College), a well-respected college affiliated to the University of Calcutta to study law and entered student politics there. He joined the Bengal Muslim League in 1943 and grew close to the faction led by Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, a leading Bengali Muslim leader. During this period, Mujib worked actively for the League's cause of a separate Muslim state of Pakistan and
in 1946 he was elected general secretary of the Islamia College
Students Union. After obtaining his degree in 1947, Mujib was one of
the Muslim politicians working under Suhrawardy during the communal
violence that broke out in Calcutta, in 1946, just before the partition of India.
On his return to East Bengal, he enrolled in the University of Dhaka to study law and founded the East Pakistan Muslim Students' League and
became one of the most prominent student political leaders in the
province. During these years, Mujib developed an affinity for socialism as the ideal solution to mass poverty, unemployment and poor living conditions. On January 26, 1949 the government announced that Urdu would officially be the state language of Pakistan. Though still in jail, Mujib encouraged fellow activist groups to launch strikes and protests and undertook a hunger strike for 13 days. Following the declaration of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and the province chief minister Khwaja Nazimuddin in 1948 that the people of East Pakistan,
mainly Bengalis, would have to adopt Urdu as the state language,
agitation broke out amongst the population. Mujib led the Muslim
Students League in organising strikes and protests, and was arrested
along with his colleagues by police on March 11. The
outcry of students and political activists led to the immediate release
of Mujib and the others. Mujib was expelled from the university and
arrested again in 1949 for attempting to organize the menial and
clerical staff in an agitation over workers' rights. Mujib launched his political career, leaving the Muslim League to join Suhrawardy and Maulana Bhashani in the formation of the Awami Muslim League, the predecessor of the Awami League.
He was elected joint secretary of its East Pakistan unit in 1949. While
Suhrawardy worked to build a larger coalition of East Pakistani and
socialist parties, Mujib focused on expanding the grassroots organisation. In
1951, Mujib began organising protests and rallies in response to the
killings by police of students who had been protesting against the
declaration of Urdu as the sole national language. This period of
turmoil, later to be known as the Bengali Language Movement, saw Mujib and many other Bengali politicians arrested. In 1953, he was made the party's general secretary, and elected to the East Bengal Legislative Assembly on a United Front coalition ticket in 1954. Serving briefly as the minister for agriculture,
Mujib was briefly arrested for organizing a protest of the central
government's decision to dismiss the United Front ministry. He was
elected to the second Constituent Assembly of Pakistan and served from 1955 to 1958. During a speech in the assembly on the proposed plan to dissolve the provinces in
favour of an amalgamated West Pakistan and East Pakistan with a
powerful central government, Mujib demanded that the Bengali people's
ethnic identity be respected and that a popular verdict should decide
the question: "Sir
[President of the Constituent Assembly], you will see that they want to
place the word "East Pakistan" instead of "East Bengal." We had
demanded so many times that you should use Bengal instead of Pakistan.
The word "Bengal" has a history, has a tradition of its own. You can
change it only after the people have been consulted. So far as the
question of one unit is concerned it can come in the constitution. Why
do you want it to be taken up just now? What about the state language, Bengali?
We will be prepared to consider one-unit with all these things. So I
appeal to my friends on that side to allow the people to give their
verdict in any way, in the form of referendum or in the form of plebiscite." In
1956, Mujib entered a second coalition government as minister of
industries, commerce, labour, anti-corruption and village aid, but
resigned in 1957 to work full-time for the party organization. When General Ayub Khan suspended the constitution and imposed martial law in 1958, Mujib was arrested for organising resistance and imprisoned till 1961. After his release from prison, Mujib started organising an underground political body called the Swadhin Bangal Biplobi Parishad (Free Bangla Revolutionary Council),
comprising student leaders in order to oppose the regime of Ayub Khan
and to work for increased political power for Bengalis and the
independence of East Pakistan. He was briefly arrested again in 1962
for organising protests. Following
Suhrawardy's death in 1963, Mujib came to head the Awami League, which
became one of the largest political parties in Pakistan. The party had dropped the word "Muslim" from its name in a shift towards secularism and a broader appeal to non-Muslim communities. Mujib was one of the key leaders to rally opposition to President Ayub Khan's Basic Democracies plan, the imposition of martial law and the one-unit scheme, which centralized power and merged the provinces. Working with other political parties, he supported opposition candidate Fatima Jinnah against Ayub Khan in the 1964 election. Mujib was arrested two weeks before the election, charged with sedition and jailed for a year. In these years, there was rising discontent in East Pakistan over the atrocities committed by the military against Bengalis and the neglect of the issues and needs of East Pakistan by the ruling regime. Despite
forming a majority of the population, the Bengalis were poorly
represented in Pakistan's civil services, police and military. There were also conflicts between the allocation of revenues and taxation. Unrest
over continuing denial of democracy spread across Pakistan and Mujib
intensified his opposition to the disbandment of provinces. In 1966,
Mujib proclaimed a 6-point plan titled Our Charter of Survival at a national conference of opposition political parties at Lahore, in which he demanded self-government and considerable political, economic and defence autonomy for East Pakistan in a Pakistani federation with a weak central government. According to his plan: Mujib's points catalysed public support across East Pakistan, launching what some historians have termed the 6 point movement — recognized as the definitive gambit for autonomy and rights of Bengalis in Pakistan. Mujib obtained the broad support of Bengalis, including the Hindu and
other religious communities in East Pakistan. However, his demands were
considered radical in West Pakistan and interpreted as thinly veiled separatism.
The proposals alienated West Pakistani people and politicians, as well
as non-Bengalis and Muslim fundamentalists in East Pakistan. Mujib
was arrested by the army and after two years in jail, an official
sedition trial in a military court opened. Widely known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case,
Mujib and 34 Bengali military officers were accused by the government
of colluding with Indian government agents in a scheme to divide
Pakistan and threaten its unity, order and national security. The plot
was alleged to have been planned in the city of Agartala, in the Indian state of Tripura. The
outcry and unrest over Mujib's arrest and the charge of sedition
against him destabilised East Pakistan amidst large protests and
strikes. Various Bengali political and student groups added demands to
address the issues of students, workers and the poor, forming a larger
"11-point plan." The government caved to the mounting pressure, dropped
the charged and unconditionally released Mujib. He returned to East
Pakistan as a public hero. Joining
an all-parties conference convened by Ayub Khan in 1969, Mujib demanded
the acceptance of his six points and the demands of other political
parties and walked out following its rejection. On December 5, 1969
Mujib made a declaration at a public meeting held to observe the death
anniversary of Suhrawardy that henceforth East Pakistan would be called
"Bangladesh": "There
was a time when all efforts were made to erase the word "Bangla" from
this land and its map. The existence of the word "Bangla" was found
nowhere except in the term Bay of Bengal. I on behalf of Pakistan announce today that this land will be called "Bangladesh" instead of East Pakistan." Mujib's
declaration heightened tensions across the country. The West Pakistani
politicians and the military began to see him as a separatist leader.
His assertion of Bengali cultural and ethnic identity also re-defined
the debate over regional autonomy. Many scholars and observers believed
the Bengali agitation emphasized the rejection of the Two-Nation Theory — the case upon which Pakistan had been created — by asserting the ethno-cultural identity of Bengalis as a nation. Mujib
was able to galvanise support throughout East Pakistan, which was home
to a majority of the national population, thus making him one of the
most powerful political figures in the Indian subcontinent.
It was following his 6-point plan that Mujib was increasingly referred
to by his supporters as "Bangabandhu" (literally meaning "Friend of Bengal" in Bengali). A major coastal cyclone struck
East Pakistan in 1970, leaving hundreds of thousands dead and millions
displaced. The subsequent period exposed extreme outrage and unrest
over the perceived weak and ineffective response of the central
government. Public opinion and political parties in East Pakistan blamed the governing authorities as intentionally negligent. The West Pakistani politicians attacked the Awami League for allegedly using the crisis for political gain. The dissatisfaction led to divisions within the civil services, police and military of Pakistan. In the elections held in
December 1970, the Awami League under Mujib's leadership won a massive
majority in the provincial legislature, and all but 2 of East
Pakistan's quota of seats in the new National Assembly, thus forming a clear majority. The
election result revealed a polarisation between the two wings of
Pakistan, with the largest and most successful party in the West being
the Pakistan Peoples Party of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who was completely opposed to Mujib's demand for greater autonomy. Bhutto threatened to boycott the assembly and oppose the government if Mujib was invited by Yahya Khan (then
president of Pakistan) to form the next government, demanding his
party's inclusion. There was also widespread opposition in the
Pakistani military and the Islamic political parties to Mujib becoming
Pakistan's prime minister. And
even though neither Mujib nor the League had explicitly advocated
political independence for East Pakistan, smaller nationalist groups
were demanding independence for Bangladesh. Following
political deadlock, Yahya Khan delayed the convening of the assembly —
a move seen by Bengalis as a plan to deny Mujib's party, which formed a
majority, from taking charge. It was on March 7, 1971 that Mujib called for independence and asked the people to launch a major campaign of civil disobedience and organised armed resistance at a mass gathering of people held at the Race Course Ground in Dhaka. "The
struggle now is the struggle for our emancipation; the struggle now is
the struggle for our independence. Joy Bangla!.. Since we have given
blood, we will give more blood. God-willing, the people of this country
will be liberated... Turn every house into a fort. Face (the enemy) with
whatever you have." Following
a last ditch attempt to foster agreement, Yahya Khan declared martial
law, banned the Awami League and ordered the army to arrest Mujib and
other Bengali leaders and activists. The army launched Operation Searchlight to
curb the political and civil unrest, fighting the nationalist militias
that were believed to have received training in India. Speaking on
radio even as the army began its crackdown, Mujib declared Bangladesh's
independence at midnight on March 26, 1971: "This
may be my last message; from today Bangladesh is independent. I call
upon the people of Bangladesh wherever you might be and with whatever
you have, to resist the army of occupation to the last. Your fight must
go on until the last soldier of the Pakistan occupation army is
expelled from the soil of Bangladesh. Final victory is ours." Sheikh
Mujib was arrested and taken to Pakistan after midnight via Tejgaon
international airport on a PAF C-130 flight right under the noses of
ATC Officer Squadron Leader Khaja (Punjabi), Senior Operations Officer
Wing Commander Bashar and Director of Airport and Flight Security
Squadron Leader M. Hamidullah Khan. All were on duty that night due to
the state of emergency. Mujib was moved to West Pakistan and kept under
heavy guard in a jail near Faisalabad (then Lyallpur). Many other League politicians avoided arrest by fleeing to India and other countries. Pakistani general Rahimuddin Khan was appointed to preside over Mujib's military court case in Faisalabad, the proceedings of which have never been made public. The Pakistani army's campaign to restore order soon degenerated into a rampage of terror and bloodshed. With militias known as Razakars, the army targeted Bengali intellectuals, politicians and union leaders,
as well as ordinary civilians. It targeted Bengali and non-Bengali
Hindus across the region, and throughout the year large numbers of
Hindus fled across the border to the neighbouring Indian states of West Bengal, Assam and Tripura. The East Bengali army and police regiments soon revolted and League leaders formed a government in exile in Kolkata under Tajuddin Ahmad, a politician close to Mujib. A major insurgency led by the Mukti Bahini (Freedom Fighters)
arose across East Pakistan. Despite international pressure, the
Pakistani government refused to release Mujib and negotiate with him.
Most of the Mujib family was kept under house arrest during this
period. His son Sheikh Kamal was a key officer in the Mukti Bahini,
which was a part of the struggle between the state forces and the
nationalist militia during the war that came to be known as the Bangladesh Liberation War. Following Indian intervention in
December 1971, the Pakistani army surrendered to the joint force of
Bengali Mukti Bahini and Indian Army, and the League leadership created
a government in Dhaka. Upon assuming the presidency after Yahya Khan's resignation, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto responded
to international pressure and released Mujib on January 8, 1972. He was
then flown to London where he met with British Prime Minister Edward Heath and addressed the international media. Mujib then flew to New Delhi on a Royal Air Force plane given by the British government to take him back to Dhaka. In New Delhi, he was received by Indian President Varahagiri Venkata Giri and Prime Minister Indira Gandhi as
well as the entire Indian cabinet and chiefs of armed forces. Delhi was
given a festive look as Mujib and Indira addressed a huge crowd where
he publicly expressed his gratitude to Indira Gandhi and
"the best friends of my people, the people of India". From New
Delhi, Sheikh Mujib flew back to Dhaka on the RAF jet where he was
received by a massive and emotional sea of people at Tejgaon Airport. Mujibur
Rahman briefly assumed the provisional presidency and later took office
as the prime minister, heading all organs of government and
decision-making. In doing so, he dismissed Tajuddin Ahmad following a
controversial intra-party power struggle that had occurred during
Mujib's incarceration. The politicians elected in 1970 formed the provisional parliament of the new state. The Mukti Bahini and other militias amalgamated to form a new Bangladeshi army to which Indian forces transferred control on March 17. Mujib
described the fallout of the war as the "biggest human disaster in the
world," claiming the deaths of as many as 3 million people and the rape of
more than 200,000 women. The government faced serious challenges, which
included the rehabilitation of millions of people displaced in 1971,
organising the supply of food, health aids and other necessities. The
effects of the 1970 cyclone had not worn off, and the state's economy had immensely deteriorated by the conflict. There
was also violence against non-Bengalis and groups who were believed to
have assisted the Pakistani forces. By the end of the year, thousands
of Bengalis arrived from Pakistan, and thousands of non-Bengalis
migrated to Pakistan; and yet many thousands remained in refugee camps. After Bangladesh achieved recognition from major countries, Mujib helped Bangladesh enter into the United Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement. He
travelled to the United States, the United Kingdom and other European
nations to obtain humanitarian and developmental assistance for the
nation. He
signed a treaty of friendship with India, which pledged extensive
economic and humanitarian assistance and began training Bangladesh's
security forces and government personnel. Mujib forged a close friendship with Indira Gandhi, strongly
praising India's decision to intercede, and professed admiration and
friendship for India. The two governments remained in close cooperation
during Mujib's lifetime. He charged the provisional parliament to write a new constitution, and proclaimed the four fundamental principles of "nationalism, secularism, democracy and socialism," which would come to be known as "Mujibism." Mujib nationalised hundreds
of industries and companies as well as abandoned land and capital and
initiated land reform aimed at helping millions of poor farmers. Major efforts were launched to rehabilitate an estimated 10 million refugees. The economy began recovering and a famine was prevented. A constitution was proclaimed in 1973 and elections were held, which resulted in Mujib and his party gaining power with an absolute majority. He further outlined state programmes to expand primary education, sanitation, food, healthcare, water and electric supply across the country. A five-year plan released in 1973 focused state investments into agriculture, rural infrastructure and cottage industries. Although the state was committed to secularism, Mujib soon began moving closer to political Islam through state policies as well as personal conduct. He revived the Islamic Academy (which
had been banned in 1972 for suspected collusion with Pakistani forces)
and banned the production and sale of alcohol and banned the practice
of gambling, which had been one of the major demands of Islamic groups. Mujib sought Bangladesh's membership in the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Islamic Development Bank and made a significant trip to Lahore in 1974 to attend the OIC summit, which helped repair relations with Pakistan to an extent. In
his public appearances and speeches, Mujib made increased usage of
Islamic greetings, slogans and references to Islamic ideologies. In his
final years, Mujib largely abandoned his trademark "Joy Bangla"
salutation for "Khuda Hafez" preferred by religious Muslims. In 1974, Bangladesh experienced the deadliest famine ever, which killed around 1.5 million Bangladeshi people from hunger. The Bangladesh famine of 1974 is
a major source of discontent against Mujib's government. Bangladeshi
people feel ashamed, insulted and demoralised as a nation for this
famine that was not due to a food crisis but, according to Amartya Sen, due instead to the lack of governance and democratic practices. Mujib's
government soon began encountering increased dissatisfaction and
unrest. His programmes of nationalisation and industrial socialism
suffered from lack of trained personnel, inefficiency, rampant
corruption and poor leadership. Mujib
focused almost entirely on national issues and thus neglected local
issues and government. The party and central government exercised full
control and democracy was weakened, with virtually no elections
organised at the grass roots or local levels. Political opposition included communists as well as Islamic fundamentalists, who were angered by the declaration of a secular state. Mujib was criticized for nepotism in appointing family members to important positions. A famine in 1974 further intensified the food crisis, and devastated agriculture — the mainstay of the economy. Intense criticism of Mujib arose over lack of political leadership, a flawed pricing policy, and rising inflation amidst
heavy losses suffered by the nationalised industries. Mujib's ambitious
social programmes performed poorly, owing to scarcity of resources,
funds and personnel, and caused unrest amongst the masses. Political
unrest gave rise to increasing violence, and in response, Mujib began
increasing his powers. On January 25, 1975 Mujib declared a state of emergency and
his political supporters approved a constitutional amendment banning
all opposition political parties. Mujib was declared "president for
life," and given extraordinary powers. His political supporters amalgamated to form the only legalised political party, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, commonly known by its initials — BAKSAL. The
party identified itself with the rural masses, farmers and labourers
and took control of government machinery. It also launched major
socialist programmes. Using government forces and a militia of
supporters called the Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini,
Mujib oversaw the arrest of opposition activists and strict control of
political activities across the country. Members of Jatiyo Rakkhi
Bahini were granted immunity from prosecution and other legal
proceedings. The
militia and police were accused of torturing suspects and political
killings. While retaining support from many segments of the population,
Mujib evoked anger amongst veterans of the liberation war for what was
seen as a betrayal of the causes of democracy and civil rights. The
underground opposition to Mujib's political regime intensified under
the clout of dissatisfaction and the government's inability to deal
with national challenges and the dissatisfaction within the Bangladeshi
army. On August 15, 1975, a group of junior army officers invaded the presidential residence with tanks and killed Mujib, his family and personal staff. Only his daughters Sheikh Hasina Wajed and Sheikh Rehana, who were visiting West Germany, escaped. They were banned from returning to Bangladesh. The coup was
planned by disgruntled Awami League colleagues and military officers,
which included Mujib's colleague and former confidanté Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad, who became his immediate successor. There was intense speculation in the media accusing the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency of having instigated the plot. Lawrence Lifschultz has alleged that the CIA was involved in the coup and assassination, basing his assumption on the then US ambassador in Dhaka Eugene Booster. Mujib's death plunged the nation into many years of political turmoil. The coup leaders were soon overthrown and a series of counter-coups and political assassinations paralysed the country. Order was largely restored after a coup in 1977 gave control to the army chief Ziaur Rahman. Declaring himself President in 1978, Ziaur Rahman signed the Indemnity Ordinance, giving immunity from prosecution to the men who plotted Mujib's assassination and overthrow. Ziaur Rahman and Hossain Mohammad Ershad reversed the state's commitment to secularism and socialism, as well as most of Mujibur Rahman's signature policies. In
exile, Sheikh Hasina became the leader of the Awami League. She
returned to Bangladesh on May 17, 1981 and led popular opposition to
the military regime of President Ershad. In
the elections following the restoration of democracy in 1991, Sheikh
Hasina became the leader of the opposition and in 1996, she won the
elections to become Bangladesh's prime minister. Revoking the Indemnity
Ordinance, an official murder case was lodged and an investigation
launched. In 1998, Colonel Syed Faruq Rahman and 14 others were convicted and sentenced to death for their involvement in the assassination. Three
individuals were later acquitted, while five others in custody – Syed
Faruq Rahman, Mohiuddin Ahmed, Bazlul Huda, Shahriar Rashid Khan, and
A.K.M. Mohiuddin Ahmed – submitted appeals to the Supreme Court of Bangladesh to commute the sentence. Their final appeals to the Supreme Court were dismissed, and the men were executed on 28 January 2010 in Dhaka Central Jail. Seven fugitives remain at-large abroad. The
Pakistani leadership in 1971 was considered by some observers and
governments to be fighting to keep the country united in face of
secessionist activities led by Mujib. Indian support for the Mukti
Bahini dented the credibility of Mujib and the League in the community of nations. Some
historians argue that the conflicts and disparities between East and
West Pakistan were exaggerated by Mujib and the League and that
secession cost Bangladesh valuable industrial and human resources. The governments of Saudi Arabia and China criticised Mujib and many nations did not recognise Bangladesh until after his death. In a secret government affidavit, Yahya Khan stated: It
was Bhutto, not Mujib, who broke Pakistan. Bhutto's stance in 1971 and
his stubbornness harmed Pakistan's solidarity much more than Sheikh
Mujib's six-point demand. It was his high ambitions and rigid stance
that led to rebellion in East Pakistan. He riled up the Bengalis and
brought an end to Pakistan's solidarity. East Pakistan broke away. Several
historians regard Mujib as a rabble-rousing, charismatic leader who
galvanised the nationalist struggle but proved inept in governing the
country. During
his tenure as Bangladesh's leader, Muslim religious leaders and
politicians intensely criticized Mujib's adoption of state secularism.
He alienated some segments of nationalists and the military, who feared
Bangladesh would come to depend upon India and become a satellite state by taking extensive aid from the Indian government and allying Bangladesh with India on many foreign and regional affairs. Mujib's
imposition of one-party rule and suppression of political opposition
alienated large segments of the population and derailed Bangladesh's
experiment with democracy for many decades. Following
his death, succeeding governments offered low-key commemorations of
Mujib, and his public image was restored only with the election of an
Awami League government led by his daughter Sheikh Hasina in 1996.
August 15 is commemorated as "National Mourning Day," mainly by Awami
League supporters. He
remains the paramount icon of the Awami League, which continues to
profess Mujib's ideals of socialism. Mujib is widely admired by
scholars and in Bengali communities in India and across the world for
denouncing the military rule and ethnic discrimination that existed in
Pakistan, and for leading the Bengali struggle for rights and liberty. In a 2004 poll conducted on the worldwide listeners of BBC's Bengali radio service, Mujib was voted the "Greatest Bengali of All Time" beating out Rabindranath Tagore and others. |