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Abd al-Karim Qasim (Arabic: عبد الكريم قاسم `Abd al-Karīm Qāsim) (1914 – February 9, 1963), was a nationalist Iraqi Army officer who seized power in a 1958 coup d'état, wherein the Iraqi monarchy was eliminated. He ruled the country as Prime Minister of Iraq until his downfall and death in 1963. His name
can be transliterated from the Arabic in a number of ways, e.g.
Abdel Karim Kassem, Abdul Karim Kassem, Abdulkarim Kasem, Abdel-Karim
Qaasim, `Abdul Karim Qasem, Qassem. During his rule, he was popularly
known as al-za‘īm (الزعيم) or, "The Leader". Abd
al-Karim Qasim's father was a Sunni
Muslim of Arab descent who died shortly
after his son's birth during World
War
I as a soldier for the Ottoman
Empire. Qasim's mother was a Shiite and the daughter of a Feyli Kurd farmer from Baghdad. When
Qasim was six years of age his family moved to Suwayra, a small town
near the Tigris, then to Baghdad in 1926. Qasim was an excellent
student; he entered secondary school on a government scholarship. After graduation in 1931,
he taught at Shamiyya Elementary School from Oct 22 of that year until
Sept 3, 1932, when he was accepted into Military College. In 1934, he
graduated as a second lieutenant. Qasim then attended al-Arkan (Iraqi
Staff) College and graduated with honor (grade A) in December 1941. In
1951, he completed a senior officers’ course in Britain. Militarily,
he
participated in the suppression of the tribal disturbances in the
Middle Euphrates region in 1935, during the Anglo-Iraqi
War in May 1941 and
in the Kurdistan War in 1945. Qassim also served during the Iraqi
military involvement in the Arab-Israeli War from May 1948 to June
1949. Toward the latter part of the mission, he commanded a battalion
of the First Brigade, which was situated in the Kafr Qasem area south
of Qilqilya. In 1956 - 57, he served with his brigade at Mafraq in Jordan
in the wake of the Suez Crisis. By 1957 Qassim had assumed leadership of several opposition
groups that had formed in the army. On 14
July 1958, Qasim and his followers used troop movements planned by the
government as an opportunity to seize military control of Baghdad and overthrow the monarchy.
This resulted in the killing of several members of the royal family and
their close associates, including Nuri
as-Said. The coup
was discussed and planned by the Free
Officers, but was mainly executed by Qasim and Col. Abdasalaam
Arif. It was triggered when King Hussein, fearing that an
anti-Western revolt in Lebanon might spread to Jordan, requested Iraqi
assistance. Instead of moving towards Jordan, however, Colonel Arif led
a battalion into Baghdad and immediately proclaimed a new republic and
the end of the old regime. Put in its historical context, the 14
July
Revolution was
the culmination of a series of uprisings and coup attempts that began
with the 1936 Bakr
Sidqi coup and
included the 1941
Rashid
Ali military movement, the 1948 Wathbah Uprising, and the
1952 and 1956 protests. The July 14 Revolution met virtually no opposition. Prince Abdul
Ilah did not
want any resistance to the forces that besieged the Royal Rihab Palace,
hoping to gain permission to leave the country. The commander of the
Royal Guards battalion on duty, Col. Taha Bamirni, ordered the palace
guards to cease fire. On July
14, 1958, the royal family including King
Faisal
II; the Prince 'Abd
al-Ilah; Princess
Hiyam, Abdullah's wife; Princess
Nafisah, Abdullah’s mother, Princess
Abadiyah, the king’s aunt, and several servants were attacked as
they were leaving the palace. When all of them arrived in the courtyard
they were told to turn towards the palace wall, and were all shot down
by Captain Abdus Sattar As Sab’ a member of the coup led by Colonel Abd
al-Karim Qasim. King
Faisal II and Princess Hiyam were wounded. The King died later before
reaching the hospital. Princess Hiyam was not recognized at the
hospital and managed to receive treatment. Later she left for Saudi
Arabia where her family lived and then moved to Egypt until her death. In the
wake of the successful coup, the new Iraqi Republic was headed by a
Revolutionary Council.
At
its head was a three man sovereignty council, composed of members of
Iraq’s three main communal/ethnic groups. Muhammad
Mahdi
Kubbah represented the Shi’a population; Khalid
al-Naqshabandi the Kurds;
and Najib
al
Rubay’i the Sunni population.
This
tripartite was to assume the role of the Presidency. A cabinet was
created, composed of a broad spectrum of Iraqi political movements:
this included two National Democratic Party representatives, one member
of al-Istiqlal, one Ba’ath representative and one Marxist. After
seizing power, Qasim assumed the post of Prime Minister and Defense
Minister, while Colonel Arif was selected Deputy Prime Minister and
Interior Minister. They became the highest authority in Iraq with both
executive and legislative powers. Muhammad Najib
ar-Ruba'i became
chairman of the Sovereignty Council (head of state), but his power was
very limited. On July
26, 1958, the Interim Constitution was adopted, pending a permanent law
to be promulgated after a free referendum. According to the document,
Iraq was to be a republic and a part of the Arab nation whilst the
official state religion was listed as Islam. Powers
of legislation were vested in the Council of Ministers, with the
approval of the Sovereignty Council, whilst executive function was also
vested in the Council of Ministers. The consitiution proclaimed
the equality of all Iraqi citizens under the law and granting them
freedom without regard to race, nationality, language or religion. The
government freed political prisoners and granted amnesty to the Kurds
who participated in the 1943 to 1945 Kurdish uprisings. The exiled
Kurds returned home and were welcomed by the republican regime. Qasim was
Prime Minister from July 1958 - February 1963. Despite
the encouraging tones of the temporary constitution, the new government descended into an autocracy with
Qasim at its head. The
genesis of Qasim’s elevation to ‘Sole Leader’ began with a schism
between himself and his fellow conspirator Arif. Despite one of the
major goals of the revolution being to join the pan-Arabism movement
and practice qawmiyah policies, the corrupting influence of power soon
began to modify the views of Qasim. Qasim, reluctant to tie himself too
closely to Nasser’s Egypt - and warned by various groups within Iraq
(notably the communists) that
such an action would be dangerous - instead found himself echoing
the views of his predecessor, Said, by adopting a wataniyah policy of
‘Iraq First'. Unlike
the bulk of military officers, Qasim did not come from the Arab Sunni
northwestern towns nor did he share their enthusiasm for pan- Arabism:
he was of mixed Sunni-Shia parentage from southeastern Iraq. Qasim's
ability to remain in power depended, therefore, on a skillful balancing
of the communists and the pan-Arabists. For most of his tenure, Qasim
sought to counterbalance the growing pan-Arab trend in the army by
supporting the communists who controlled the streets. He authorized the
formation of a communist controlled militia, the People's Resistance
Force, and he freed all communist prisoners. Qasim
lifted a ban on the Iraqi
Communist Party, and demanded the annexation of Kuwait. He was also involved in the
1958 Agrarian Reform, modeled after the Egyptian experiment of 1952. Qasim is
said by his admirers to have worked to improve the position of ordinary
people in Iraq, after the long period of self-interested rule by a
small elite under the monarchy which had resulted in widespread social
unrest. Qasim passed law No. 80 which seized 99% of Iraqi land from the
British-owned Iraq Petroleum Company, and distributed farms to more of
the population. This increased the size of
the middle class. Qasim also oversaw the building of 35,000 residential
units to house the poor and lower middle
classes. The most notable example, and indeed symbol, of
this was the new suburb of Baghdad named Madinat al-Thawra (revolution
city), renamed Saddam City under the Baath regime and now widely
referred to as Sadr
City. Qasim rewrote the constitution to encourage women’s
participation in the society. Qasim
tried to maintain the political balance by using the traditional
opponents of pan-Arabs, the right
wing and nationalists.
Up
until the war with the Kurdish factions in the north he was able to
maintain the loyalty of the army. Despite a
shared military background, the group of Free Officers that carried out
the July 14 Revolution was plagued by internal dissension. Its members
lacked both a coherent ideology and an effective organizational
structure. Many of the more senior officers resented having to take
orders from Arif, their junior in rank. A power struggle developed
between Qasim and Arif over joining the Egyptian - Syrian
union. Arif's pro-Nasserite sympathies were supported
by the Baath
Party, while Qasim found support for his anti-unification position
in the ranks of the Iraqi
Communist
Party.
Qasim’s
change of policy aggravated his relationship with Arif. The latter,
despite being the subordinate of Qasim, had gained great prestige as
the perpetrator of the coup itself. Arif capitalised upon his newfound
position by partaking in a series of widely publicised public orations,
during which he strongly advocated union with the UAR, making numerous
positive references to Nasser, while remain noticeably less full of
praise for Qasim. Arif’s criticism of Qasim became gradually more
profound leading the latter to take steps to counter his potential
rivalry. Qasim began to foster relations with the Iraqi communist
party, who attempted to mobilise support in favour of his policies. He
also moved to counter Arif’s base of power by removing him from his
position as deputy commander of the armed forces. On
September 30 Qasim removed Arif’s status as Deputy Prime Minister and
as Minister of the Interior. Qasim
attempted to remove Arif’s disruptive influence by offering him a
role as Iraqi ambassador to West
Germany in Bonn.
Arif refused, and in a confrontation with Qasim on October 11, Arif is
reported to have drawn his pistol in the presence of Qasim; although
whether it was to assassinate Qasim or commit suicide is a source of
debate.
No
blood was shed, and Arif agreed to depart for Bonn. However his time
in Germany was brief, as he attempted to return to Baghdad on November
4 amid rumours of an attempted coup against Qasim. He was promptly
arrested, and charged on November 5 with attempted assassination of
Qasim and attempts to overthrow the regime.
He
was brought to trial for treason and condemned to death in January
1959; but was subsequently pardoned in December 1962 and was sentenced
to life imprisonment. Although
the threat of Arif had been negated, another soon arose in the form of Rashid
Ali, the exiled former Prime Minister who had fled Iraq in 1941.
Ali attempted to foster support amongst officers who were unhappy at
Qasim’s policy reversals. A coup was planned for December 9, but Qasim
was prepared, and instead had the conspirators arrested on the same
date. Ali was imprisoned and sentenced to death, although the execution
was never carried out. The new
Government declared Kurdistan “one of the two nations of Iraq.” During
his rule, the Kurdish groups selected Mustafa
Barzani to
negotiate with the government, seeking an opportunity to declare
independence. After a
period of relative calm, the issue of Kurdish autonomy (self-rule or
independence) went unfulfilled, sparking discontent and eventual
rebellion among the Kurds in 1961. Kurdish separatists under the
leadership of Mustafa Barzani chose to wage war against the Iraqi
establishment. Although relations between Qasim and the Kurds had
initially proved successful, relations had deteriorated by 1961, with
the Kurds becoming openly critical of Qasim’s regime. Barzani had
delivered an ultimatum to Qasim in August 1961 demanding an end to
authoritarian rule; recognition of Kurdish autonomy; and restoration of
democratic liberties.
Qasim’s
response was to sanction a military campaign against Barzani’s peshmerga forces
in September 1961.
This proved to be a grave mistake, as the anti-insurgency campaign
became a drain upon Iraqi resources as well as further undermining
Qasim’s esteem within the officer classes. During
Qasim's term, there was a much debate over whether Iraq should join the United
Arab
Republic, led by Gamal Abdel Nasser. Having dissolved the Arab
Union with the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Qasim refused entry into
the federation, although his government recognized the republic and
considered joining it later. A major pan-Arabist concern was the repression
of the Iraqi branch of the Baath
Party. Qasim’s
growing ties with the communists served to provoke rebellion in the
northern Iraqi city of Mosul by Arab nationalists in charge of military
units. Qasim in an attempt to intimidate any potential coup had
encouraged a communist backed Peace Partisans rally in Mosul on March
6, 1959. Some 250,000 Peace Partisans and communists thronged Mosul’s
streets by March 6,
and
although the rally passed peacefully, on March 7, skirmishes broke
out amongst communists and nationalists. This degenerated into a
miniature civil war in the days following. Although the rebellion was
crushed by the military, it had a number of adverse effects that affected Qasim’s position. First, it increased the power of the
communists. Second, it encouraged the ideas of the Ba’ath
Party’s (which had
been steadily growing since the July 14 coup). The Ba’ath Party
believed that the only way of halting the engulfing tide of communism
was to assassinate Qasim. Such an attempt was carried out on October 7,
1959 by a group of Ba’athists, including a young Saddam
Hussein and reportedly supported by
the United
States. The assassination attempt
failed and led to a harsh crackdown on domestic opposition and the
development of a personality cult. The
growing influence of communism was felt throughout 1959. A communist
sponsored purge of the armed forces was carried out in the wake of the
Mosul revolt. The Iraqi cabinet began to shift towards the radical left
as several communist sympathisers gained posts in the cabinet. Iraq’s
foreign policy began to reflect this communist influence, as Qasim
removed Iraq from the Baghdad
Pact on March 24,
and later fostered closer ties with the USSR,
including
extensive economic agreements.
However
communist successes encouraged attempts to expand on their
position. The communists attempted to replicate their success at Mosul
in similar fashion at Kirkuk.
A
rally was called for July 14: intended to intimidate conservative
elements, it instead resulted in widespread bloodshed. Qasim
consequently cooled relations with the communists signaling a reduction
(although by no means a cessation) of their influence in the Iraqi
government. Qasim
soon withdrew Iraq from the pro-Western Baghdad Pact and established
friendly relations with the Soviet Union. Iraq also abolished its
Treaty of mutual security and bilateral relations with the UK. Also,
Iraq withdrew from the agreement with the United States that was signed
by the monarchy from 1954 to 1955 regarding military, arms, and equipment. On May 30, 1959, the last of the British soldiers and
military officers departed the al-Habbāniyya base in Iraq.
Qasim
supported the Algerian and Palestinian struggles against France and
Israel. However,
he further undermined his rapidly deteriorating position with a series
of foreign policy blunders. In 1959 Qasim antagonized Iran with a series of territory
disputes, most notably over the Arabic speaking Khuzistan region of Iran,
and
the division of the Shatt
al-Arab waterway
between south eastern Iraq and western Iran.
On
December 18, 1959, Abd al-Karim Qasim declared: "We do
not wish to refer to the history of Arab tribes residing in Al-Ahwaz
and Mohammareh [Khurramshahr]. The Ottomans handed over Muhammareh,
which was part of Iraqi territory, to Iran." After
this, Iraq started supporting secessionist movements in Khuzestan, and
even raised the issue of its territorial claims in the next meeting of
the Arab League, without any success. In June
1961, Qasim re-ignited the Iraqi claim over the state of Kuwait. On
June 19, Qasim announced in a press conference that Kuwait was a
part of Iraq, and claimed its territory. Kuwait, however, had signed a
recent defence treaty with the British, who came to her assistance with
troops to stave off any attack on July 1. This was subsequently
replaced by an Arab force (assembled by the Arab
League) in September, where they remained until 1962. The
result of Qasim’s foreign policy blunders was to further weaken his
position. Iraq was isolated from the Arab world for her part in the
Kuwait incident, whilst she had antagonised her powerful neighbour
Iran. Western attitudes towards Qasim had also cooled, due to these
incidents and his implied communist sympathies. Iraq was isolated
internationally, and Qasim became increasingly isolated domestically,
to his considerable detriment. Qasim’s
position was fatally weakened by 1962. His overthrow took place the
following year. The perpetrators were the Ba’ath
party, an Arab nationalist movement with a close knit structure and
ties within the military. The Ba’ath had initially benefited from the
1958 Revolution, gaining increased support in its wake. The group had
suffered after 1959 however due to the failure of the assassination
attempt upon Qasim. This weakened their membership when the
perpetrators were either imprisoned or exiled. The group also became disillusioned with Nasser after the establishment of
the UAR,
leading
to splits within the group. By 1962,
however, the Ba’ath was once again on the rise as a new group of
leaders under the tutelage of Ali
Salih
al-Sa’di began to re-invigorate the party. The Ba’ath Party
was now able to plot Qasim’s removal. Qasim was overthrown
by
the Ba'athist coup of February 8, 1963, motivated by fear of
communist influence and state control over the petroleum sector. This
coup has been reported to have been carried out with the backing of the
British government and the American CIA. Qasim
was
given a short trial and he was quickly shot. Later, footage of his
execution was broadcast to prove he was dead. At least
5,000 Iraqis were killed in the fighting from February 8–10, 1963, and
in the house-to-house hunt for "communists" that immediately followed.
Ba'athists put the losses of their own party at around 80. In July
2004, Qasim's body was discovered by a news team associated with Radio
Dijlah in Baghdad.
The
1958
Revolution can be heralded as a watershed in Iraqi politics, not
just because of its obvious political implications (e.g. the abolition
of monarchy, republicanism, and paving the way for Ba’athist rule) but
due to domestic reform. Despite its shortcomings, Qasim’s rule helped
to implement a number of positive domestic changes that benefitted
Iraqi society. The
revolution
brought about sweeping changes in the Iraqi agrarian sector.
Reformers dismantled the old feudal structure of rural Iraq:
for example the 1933 'Law of Rights and Duties of Cultivators' and the
Tribal Disputes Code were replaced, benefiting Iraq’s peasant
population and ensuring a fairer process of law. The Agrarian Reform
Law (September 30, 1958)
attempted
a large-scale redistribution of landholdings and placed ceilings on ground rents; the land was more evenly distributed amongst
peasants who, due to the new rent laws, received around 55% to 70% of
their crop.
Despite
the positive intentions of the Agrarian Reform Law, its
implementation proved relatively unsuccessful due to disagreements
between the lower classes and the landed middle classes, as well as a
time consuming implementation.
Qasim
attempted
to bring about greater equality for women in Iraq. In
December 1959 he promulgated a significant revision of the personal status code; particularly that regulating family relations. Polygamy was outlawed, and minimum
ages for marriage were also outlined, with 18 being the minimum age
(except for special dispensation when it could be lowered by the court
to 16).
Women
were also protected from arbitrary divorce. The most
revolutionary reform was a provision in article 74 giving women equal
rights in matters of inheritance.
The
laws applied to Sunni and Shi’a alike, yet despite their liberal
intent they received much opposition and did not survive Qasim’s
government. Education
was greatly expanded under the Qasim regime. The education budget was
raised from approximately 13 million Dinars in 1958 to 24 million Dinars
in 1960 and enrollment was increased. Attempts were also made in 1959
and 1961 to introduce economic planning to benefit social welfare;
investing in housing, healthcare and education, whilst reforming the
agrarian Iraqi economy along an industrial model. However these changes
were not truly implemented before Qasim’s removal. Qasim was
also responsible for the nationalisation of the Iraqi oil industry.
Public Law 80 dispossessed the IPC of 99.5% of its concession territory in Iraq and placed it in the hands of the newly formed Iraq
National
Oil Company taking
many of Iraq’s oilfields out of foreign hands. |