May 26, 2010 <Back to Index>
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János Kádár (May 26, 1912 – July 6, 1989), was a Hungarian politician, the communist leader of Hungary from 1956 to 1988, and twice served as Chairman of the Council of Ministers, from 1956 to 1958 and again from 1961 to 1965. He had Slovak roots from his mother's side and German roots from his father's side. János Kádár was born as János Csermanek in Fiume, Austro-Hungary (today Rijeka, Croatia)
as the son of the soldier János Krezinger (German aka
Kressinger) and Borbála Csermanek (Slovak), who was from the
little town Ó-Gyalla, Hungary (today Hurbanovo, Slovakia). Kádár spent his first 6 years with foster parents in Kapoly, Somogy County, until reunited in Budapest with
his mother, who worked occasionally as a washerwoman and sent him to
school until he was 14. (He met his biological father, who lived as a
small landowner, and his three half-brothers only in 1960). He
apprenticed as a typewriter mechanic, joined the trade union's youth
group at 17, and joined the illegal Hungarian Communist Party in
1931, and was subsequently arrested several times for unlawful
political activities: he was sentenced to two years imprisonment in
1933. Later,
as cover for his illegal communist activities, János Csermanek
joined the Hungarian Social Democratic Party and sat on its Budapest branch committee. He was arrested in 1937 by the Horthy regime
and was sent to prison for three years. On his release, he ran the
underground communist movement together with his friend László Rajk, from 1943 under the pseudonym János Kádár (In Hungarian kádár mean scooper). In 1944 while trying to cross the border into Serbia, in order to make secret contact with Tito's partisans, he was arrested and dispatched with a transport of Jews to Mauthausen concentration camp. On the way at Komarno while temporarily transferred to the town's prison, he managed to escape and went back to Budapest. Between
1943 and 1945 he was the first secretary of the Communist Party, and
between 1943 and 1944 he led its legal cover organization, the Peace
Party. After the occupation of Hungary by USSR and
the comeback of the Moscow branch of the leadership of the Communist
Party, Kádár was appointed deputy head of Budapest's new
police. In 1946, he was elected Deputy Secretary-General of the Hungarian Communist Party. In 1949, he succeeded László Rajk as Minister of the Interior. Rajk was appointed Minister for Foreign Affairs by the Communist Party leader Mátyás Rákosi when
he had already been secretly chosen as the chief defendant of a "show
trial," to be staged by Rákosi in Hungary. This trial was
similar to the show trials initiated by Stalin in the Soviet Union. Rajk and "his spy ring" were accused of conspiring with Marshal Tito, President ofYugoslavia, and were executed. In a Machiavellian scheme, Rákosi put Kádár, who was friends with both Rajk
and his wife Julia, in the Interior Minister's position to make sure
Kádár was visibly involved in Rajk's trial. In fact, the State Protection Authority (ÁVH),
which was in charge of the investigation, took its orders directly from
Rákosi; but as interior minister, Kádár condemned
Rajk's "crimes", tried to force a confession out of him and attended
his execution. Only
a year later, Kádár found himself the defendant in a show
trial of his own - on false charges of having been a spy of Horthy's
police. This time it was Kádár who was beaten by the
security police and urged to "confess." He was found guilty, and
sentenced to life imprisonment. His incarceration included three years
of solitary confinement, conditions far worse than he suffered while
imprisoned under the Horthy regime. He was released in July 1954, after the death of Stalin and the appointment of Imre Nagy as Prime Minister in 1953. Kádár
accepted the offer to act as party secretary in the heavily
industrialised 13th district of Budapest. He rose to prominence
quickly, building up a large following amongst workers who demanded
increased freedom for trade unions. Nagy
began a process of liberalisation, removing state controls over the
press, releasing many political prisoners, and expressing wishes to
withdraw Hungary from the Warsaw Pact.
He formed a coalition government. Although the Soviet leaders issued a
statement that they strived to establish a new relationship with
Hungary on the basis of mutual respect and equality, in the first days
of November, the Presidium of the Soviet Communist Party took
a decision to crush the revolution by force. In the meantime, the
Hungarian Communist Party decided to dissolve itself and to reorganize
the party under the name of Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party.
On October 25, 1956 Kádár was elected Secretary-General.
He was also a member of the Imre Nagy Government as Minister of State.
On the 1st of November, Kádár, together with Ferenc Münnich left
Hungary for Moscow with the support of the Soviet Embassy in Budapest.
There the Soviet leaders tried to convince him that a
"counter-revolution" was unfolding in Hungary that must be put to an
end at any cost. Despite his opposition to leaving the Warsaw Pact
decided by Nagy, allegedly he first resisted the pressure and argued
that the Nagy government did not wish to abolish the Socialist system.
He yielded to pressure only when the Soviet leaders informed him
that the decision had already been taken to crush the revolution with
the help of the Soviet troops stationed in Hungary and that the old
Communist leadership would be sent back to Hungary, were he not willing
to assume the post of Prime Minister in the new government. The Soviet
tanks moved into Budapest to crush the revolution at dawn on November
4. The proclamation of the so-called Provisional Revolutionary
Government of Workers and Peasants, headed by Kádár, was
broadcast from Szolnok the same day. He announced a "Fifteen Point Programme" for this new government: The 15th point was withdrawn after pressure from the USSR that a 200,000 strong Soviet detachment be garrisoned in Hungary. This development allowed Kádár to divert huge defence funds to welfare. Nagy, along with Georg Lukács, Géza Losonczy and László Rajk's widow, Julia, fled to the Yugoslav Embassy.
Kádár promised them safe return home at their request but
failed to keep this promise as the Soviet party leaders decided that
Imre Nagy and the other members of the government who had sought asylum
at the Yugoslav Embassy should be deported to Romania.
Later on, a trial was instituted to establish the responsibility of the
Imre Nagy Government in the 1956 events. Although it was adjourned
several times, the defendants were eventually convicted of treason and
conspiracy to overthrow the "democratic state order". Imre Nagy, Pál Maléter and Miklós Gimes were sentenced to death and executed on June 16, 1958. Geza Losonczy and Attila Szigethy both died in prison under suspicious circumstances during the court proceedings. Kádár
assumed power in a critical situation. The country was under Soviet
military administration for several months. The fallen leaders of the
Communist Party took refuge in the Soviet Union and were planning to
regain power in Hungary. The Chinese, East German, and Czechoslovak
leaders demanded severe reprisals against the perpetrators of the
"counter-revolution." Despite the distrust surrounding the new
leadership and the economic difficulties, Kádár was able
to normalize the situation in a remarkably short time. This was due to
the realization that, under the circumstances, it was impossible to
break away from the Communist bloc. The people realized that the
promises of the West to help the Hungarian revolution were unfounded
and that the logic of the Cold War determined the outcome. Hungary
remained part of the Soviet sphere of influence with the tacit
agreement of the West. Though influenced strongly by the Soviet Union,
Kádár enacted policy slightly contrary to that of Moscow,
for example, allowing considerably large private plots for farmers of collective farms. In
notable contrast to Rákosi, Kádár declared that
"he who is not against us is with us." He gradually lifted
Rákosi's more draconian measures against free speech and
movement, and also eased restrictions on art and literature. Hungarians
had much more freedom than their Eastern Bloc counterparts to go about
their daily lives. While his regime was not nearly as harsh as other
Communist regimes (and certainly less so than the first seven years of
out-and-out Communist rule in Hungary), it wasn't a liberal one either.
The Communists maintained absolute control over the government and also
encouraged citizens to join party organizations. The secret police,
while operating with somewhat more restraint than in other Eastern Bloc
countries (and certainly in comparison to the Rákosi era) were
nonetheless a feared tool of government control. The media remained
under censorship that was considered fairly onerous by Western
standards, but far less stringent than was the case in other Communist
countries. As
a result of the relatively high standard of living, and more relaxed
travel restrictions than that of other Eastern Bloc countries, Hungary
was generally considered one of the better countries in which to live in Eastern Europe during the Cold War.
The dramatic fall in living standards after the fall of Communism led
to some nostalgia about the Kádár era. However, the
relatively high living standards had their price in the form of a
considerable amount of state debt left
behind by the Kádár régime. As mentioned above,
the regime's cultural and social policies were still somewhat
authoritarian; their impact on contemporary Hungarian culture is still
a matter of considerable debate. During Kádár's rule, tourism increased dramatically, with many tourists from Canada, the USA, and Western Europe bringing
much needed money into Hungary. Hungary built strong relations with
developing countries and many foreign students arrived. The "Holy Crown" (referred to in the media as the "Hungarian Crown", so as to prevent it carrying a political symbolism of the Horthy régime or an allusion to Christianity) and regalia of Hungarian kings was returned to Budapest by the United States in 1978. Kádár
was known for his simple and modest lifestyle and had a strong aversion
against corruption or ill-doing. His only real hobby was chess. Kádár was awarded the Lenin Peace Prize (1975-76). He was also awarded the title Hero of the Soviet Union on April 3, 1964. János
Kádár held power in Hungary until 1988, when he resigned
as General Secretary mainly due to mounting economic difficulties and
his own ill-health. At a party conference in May 1988, he was replaced
as General Secretary by Prime Minister Károly Grósz who
strove to continue Kádár's policies in a modified and
adjusted form adapted to the new circumstances. Kádár was
named instead to the rather ceremonial position of Party President. He
did not wish to be re-elected to the Political Committee, the most
important decision-making body of the party. In early 1989, as
Grósz and his associates in turn were being sidelined by a
faction of "radical reformers" who set out to dismantle the socialist
system, Kádár, now visibly senile, was removed completely from political office, dying not long afterwards. Kádár
was generally known as one of the more moderate East European Communist
leaders. While he remained loyal to the Soviet Union in foreign policy,
based on the hard lessons of the 1956 uprising, his intent was to
establish a national consensus around his policies at home. He was the
first East European leader to develop closer links with the Social
Democratic parties of Western Europe. He tried to mediate between the
leaders of the Czechoslovak reform movement of 1968 and the Soviet
leadership to avert the danger of a military intervention. When,
however, the decision was taken by the Soviet leaders to intervene in
order to suppress the Prague Spring, Kádár decided to participate in the Warsaw Pact operation. Kádár's
grave at the Kerepesi Cemetery in Budapest was vandalized on May 2,
2007; a number of his bones, including his skull, were stolen, along
with his wife Mária Tamáska's urn. A message reading "murderers and traitors may not rest in holy ground 1956-2006" was written nearby. The two dates refer to the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and the 2006 protests in Hungary. This act was greeted with universal revulsion across the political and societal spectrum in Hungary. Police
investigations focused on extremist right-wing hooligans groups which
had been aspiring to "carry out an act that would create a big bang." |