October 24, 2011 <Back to Index>
PAGE SPONSOR |
Titus Flavius Domitianus (24 October 51 – 18 September 96), commonly known as Domitian, was Roman Emperor from 81 to 96. Domitian was the third and last emperor of the Flavian dynasty. Domitian's youth and early career were largely spent in the shadow of his brother Titus, who gained military renown during the First Jewish - Roman War. This situation continued under the rule of his father Vespasian, who became emperor in 69 following the civil war known as theYear of the Four Emperors. While Titus effectually reigned as co-emperor with his father, Domitian was left with honours but no responsibilities. Vespasian died in 79 and was succeeded by Titus, whose own reign came to an unexpected end when he was struck by a fatal illness in 81. The following day Domitian was declared emperor by the Praetorian Guard, commencing a reign which lasted fifteen years - longer than any man who had ruled since Tiberius. As emperor, Domitian strengthened the economy by revaluing the Roman coinage, expanded the border defenses of the empire, and initiated a massive building program to restore the damaged city of Rome. Significant wars were fought in Britain, where his general Agricola attempted to conquer Scotland, and in Dacia, where Domitian was unable to procure a decisive victory against king Decebalus. Domitian's government exhibited totalitarian characteristics; he saw himself as the new Augustus, an enlightened despot destined to guide the Roman Empire into a new era of brilliance. Religious, military, and cultural propaganda fostered a cult of personality, and by nominating himself perpetual censor, he sought to control public and private morals. As a consequence, Domitian was popular with the people and army but considered a tyrant by members of the Roman Senate. Domitian's reign came to an end in 96 when he was assassinated by court officials. The same day he was succeeded by his advisor Nerva. After his death, Domitian's memory was condemned to oblivion by the Roman Senate, while senatorial authors such as Tacitus, Pliny the Younger and Suetonius published histories propagating the view of Domitian as a cruel and paranoid tyrant. Modern history has rejected these views, instead characterising Domitian as a ruthless but efficient autocrat, whose cultural, economic and political program provided the foundation of the peaceful second century.
Domitian was born in Rome on 24 October 51, the youngest son of Titus Flavius Vespasianus — commonly known as Vespasian — and Flavia Domitilla Major. He had an older sister, Domitilla the Younger, and brother, also named Titus Flavius Vespasianus. Decades of civil war during the 1st century BC had contributed greatly to the
demise of the old aristocracy of Rome, which was gradually replaced in
prominence by a new Italian nobility during the early part of the 1st
century. One such family was the Flavians, or gens Flavia,
which rose from relative obscurity to prominence in just four
generations, acquiring wealth and status under the emperors of the Julio-Claudian dynasty. Domitian's great-grandfather, Titus Flavius Petro, had served as a centurion under Pompey during Caesar's civil war. His military career ended in disgrace when he fled the battlefield at the Battle of Pharsalus in 48 BC. Nevertheless, Petro managed to improve his status by marrying the extremely wealthy
Tertulla, whose fortune guaranteed the upwards mobility of Petro's son Titus Flavius Sabinus I, Domitian's grandfather. Sabinus himself amassed further wealth and possible equestrian status through his services as tax collector in Asia and banker in Helvetia (modern Switzerland). By marrying Vespasia Polla he allied himself to the more prestigious patrician gens Vespasia, ensuring the elevation of his sons Titus Flavius Sabinus II and Vespasian to the senatorial rank. The political career of Vespasian included the offices of quaestor, aedile and praetor, and culminated with a consulship in 51, the year Domitian was born. As a military commander, he gained early renown by participating in the Roman invasion of Britain in 43. Nevertheless, ancient sources allege poverty for the Flavian family at the time of Domitian's upbringing, even claiming Vespasian had fallen into disrepute under the emperors Caligula (37 – 41) and Nero (54 – 68). Modern history has refuted these claims, suggesting these stories were later circulated under Flavian rule as part of a propaganda campaign
to diminish success under the less reputable Emperors of the
Julio-Claudian dynasty, and maximize achievements under Emperor
Claudius (41 – 54) and his son Britannicus. By
all appearances, imperial favour for the Flavians was high throughout
the 40s and 60s. While Titus received a court education in the company
of Britannicus, Vespasian pursued a successful political and military
career. Following a prolonged period of retirement during the 50s, he
returned to public office under Nero, serving as proconsul of the Africa province in 63, and accompanying the emperor during an official tour of Greece in 66. The same year the Jews of the Judaea province revolted against the Roman Empire, in what is now known as the First Jewish - Roman War. Vespasian was assigned to lead the Roman army against the insurgents, with Titus — who had completed his military education by this time — in charge of a legion. By 66, Domitian's mother and sister had long died, while his father and brother were continuously active in the Roman military, commanding armies in Germania and
Judaea. For Domitian, this meant that a significant part of his
adolescence was spent in the absence of his near relatives. During the
Jewish - Roman wars, he was likely taken under the care of his uncle
Titus Flavius Sabinus II, at the time serving as city prefect of Rome; or possibly even Marcus Cocceius Nerva, a loyal friend of the Flavians and the future successor to Domitian. He received the education of a young man of the privileged senatorial class, studying rhetoric and literature. In his biography in the Lives of the Twelve Caesars, Suetonius attests to Domitian's ability to quote the important poets and writers such as Homer or Virgil on appropriate occasions, and describes him as a learned and educated adolescent, with elegant conversation. Among his first published works were poetry, as well as writings on law and administration. Unlike
his brother Titus, Domitian was not educated at court. Whether he
received formal military training is not recorded, but according to
Suetonius, he displayed considerable marksmanship with the bow and
arrow. A
detailed description of Domitian's appearance and character is provided
by Suetonius, who devotes a substantial part of his biography to his
personality. He
was tall of stature, with a modest expression and a high colour. His
eyes were large, but his sight was somewhat dim. He was handsome and
graceful too, especially when a young man, and indeed in his whole body
with the exception of his feet, the toes of which were somewhat
cramped. In later life he had the further disfigurement of baldness, a
protruding belly, and spindling legs, though the latter had become thin
from a long illness. Domitian was allegedly extremely sensitive regarding his baldness, which he disguised in later life by wearing wigs. According to Suetonius, he even wrote a book on the subject of hair care. With
regard to Domitian's personality, however, the account of Suetonius
alternates sharply between portraying Domitian as the emperor tyrant, a
man both physically and intellectually lazy, and the intelligent,
refined personality drawn elsewhere. Brian Jones concludes in The Emperor Domitian that assessing the true nature of Domitian's personality is inherently complicated by the bias of the surviving sources. Common
threads nonetheless emerge from the available evidence. He appears to
have lacked the natural charisma of his brother and father. He was
prone to suspicion, displayed an odd, sometimes self-deprecating sense of humour, and
often communicated in cryptic ways. This ambiguity of character was
further exacerbated by his remoteness, and as he grew older, he
increasingly displayed a preference for solitude, which may have
stemmed from his isolated upbringing. Indeed,
by the age of eighteen nearly all of his closest relatives had died by
war or disease. Having spent the greater part of his early life in the
twilight of Nero's reign, his formative years would have been strongly
influenced by the political turmoil of the 60s, culminating with the civil war of 69, which brought his family to power. On 9 June 68, amidst growing opposition of the Senate and the army, Nero committed suicide, and with him the Julio-Claudian dynasty came to an end. Chaos ensued, leading to a year of brutal civil war known as the Year of the Four Emperors, during which the four most influential generals in the Roman Empire — Galba, Otho, Vitellius and Vespasian — successively vied for imperial power. News of Nero's death reached Vespasian as he was preparing to besiege the city of Jerusalem. Almost simultaneously the Senate had declared Galba, then governor of Hispania Tarraconensis (modern
Spain), as Emperor of Rome. Rather than continue his campaign,
Vespasian decided to await further orders and send Titus to greet the
new Emperor. Before reaching Italy however, Titus learnt that Galba had been murdered and replaced by Otho, the governor of Lusitania (modern Portugal). At the same time Vitellius and his armies in Germania had
risen in revolt, and prepared to march on Rome, intent on overthrowing
Otho. Not wanting to risk being taken hostage by one side or the other,
Titus abandoned the journey to Rome and rejoined his father in Judaea. Otho
and Vitellius realised the potential threat posed by the Flavian
faction. With four legions at his disposal, Vespasian commanded a
strength of nearly 80,000 soldiers. His position in Judaea further
granted him the advantage of being nearest to the vital province of Egypt, which controlled the grain supply to Rome. His brother Titus Flavius Sabinus II, as city prefect, commanded the entire city garrison of Rome. Tensions
among the Flavian troops ran high, but so long as either Galba or Otho
remained in power, Vespasian refused to take action. When Otho was defeated by Vitellius at the First Battle of Bedriacum however, the armies in Judaea and Egypt took matters into their own hands and declared Vespasian emperor on 1 July 69. Vespasian accepted, and entered an alliance with Gaius Licinius Mucianus, the governor of Syria, against Vitellius. A
strong force drawn from the Judaean and Syrian legions marched on Rome
under the command of Mucianus, while Vespasian himself travelled to Alexandria, leaving Titus in charge of ending the Jewish rebellion.
In Rome meanwhile, Domitian was placed under house arrest by Vitellius, as a safeguard against future Flavian aggression. Support
for the old emperor was waning however, as more legions throughout the
empire pledged their allegiance to Vespasian. On 24 October 69 the
forces of Vitellius and Vespasian clashed at the Second Battle of Bedriacum, which ended in a crushing defeat for the armies of Vitellius. In
despair, he attempted to negotiate a surrender. Terms of peace,
including a voluntary abdication, were agreed upon with Titus Flavius
Sabinus II, but the soldiers of the Praetorian Guard — the imperial bodyguard — considered such a resignation disgraceful, and prevented Vitellius from carrying out the treaty. On the morning of 18 December, the emperor appeared to deposit the imperial insignia at the Temple of Concord,
but at the last minute retraced his steps to the imperial palace. In
the confusion, the leading men of the state gathered at Sabinus' house,
proclaiming Vespasian Emperor, but the multitude dispersed when
Vitellian cohorts clashed with the armed escort of Sabinus, who was
forced to retreat to the Capitoline Hill. During
the night, he was joined by his relatives, including Domitian. The
armies of Mucianus were nearing Rome, but the besieged Flavian party
did not hold out for longer than a day. On 19 December, Vitellianists
burst onto the Capitol, and in the resulting skirmish, Sabinus was
captured and executed. Domitian himself managed to escape by disguising
himself as a worshipper of Isis, and spent the night in safety with one of his father's supporters. By
the afternoon of 20 December Vitellius was dead, his armies having been
defeated by the Flavian legions. With nothing more to be feared from
the enemy, Domitian came forward to meet the invading forces; he was
universally saluted by the title of Caesar, and the mass of troops conducted him to his father's house. The following day, 21 December, the Senate proclaimed Vespasian emperor of the Roman Empire. Although the war had officially ended, a state of anarchy and
lawlessness pervaded in the first days following the demise of
Vitellius. Order was properly restored by Mucianus in early 70, but
Vespasian did not return to Rome until September of that year. In the meantime Domitian acted as the representative of the Flavian family in the Roman Senate. In addition to receiving the title of Caesar, he was appointed praetor with consular power. Domitian's authority was merely nominal however,
foreshadowing what was to be his role for at least ten more years. By
all accounts, Mucianus held the real power in Vespasian's absence, and
he was careful to ensure that Domitian, still only eighteen years old,
did not overstep the boundaries of his function. The ancient historian Tacitus describes Domitian's first speech in the Senate as brief and measured, at the
same time noting his ability to elude awkward questions. Strict control was also maintained over the young Caesar's entourage, promoting away influential generals such as Arrius Varus, Praetorian prefect, and Antonius Primus, who had led the Flavian forces at Bedriacum, and replacing them by more reliable men such as Arrecinus Clemens. Equally
curtailed by Mucianus were Domitian's military ambitions. The civil war
of 69 had severely destabilized the provinces, leading to several local
uprisings such as the Batavian revolt in Gaul. Batavian auxiliaries of the Rhine legions, led by Gaius Julius Civilis, had rebelled with the aid of a faction of Treveri under the command of Julius Classicus. Seven legions were sent from Rome, led by Vespasian's brother-in-law Quintus Petillius Cerialis. Although
the revolt was quickly suppressed, exaggerated reports of disaster
prompted Mucianus to depart the capital with reinforcements of his own.
Domitian eagerly sought the opportunity to attain military glory, and
joined the other officers with the intention of commanding a legion of
his own. According to Tacitus, Mucianus was not keen on this prospect,
but he considered Domitian a liability in any capacity that was
entrusted to him and therefore preferred to keep him close at hand
rather than in Rome. When
news arrived of Cerialis' victory over Civilis, Mucianus tactfully
dissuaded Domitian from pursuing further military endeavours. Domitian then wrote to Cerialis personally, suggesting he hand over command of his army but, once again, he was snubbed. With
the return of Vespasian in late September, his political role was
rendered all but obsolete, and Domitian withdrew from government
devoting his time to arts and literature.
Where
his political and military career had ended in disappointment,
Domitian's private affairs were more successful in 70. Vespasian
attempted to arrange a dynastic marriage between his youngest son and
the daughter of Titus, Julia Flavia, but Domitian was adamant in his love for Domitia Longina, going so far as to persuade her husband, Lucius Aelius Lamia, to divorce her so that Domitian could marry her himself. Despite
its initial recklessness, the alliance was very prestigious for both
families. Domitia Longina was the younger daughter of Gnaeus Domitius Corbulo, a respected general and honoured politician. Following the failed Pisonian conspiracy against Nero in
65, he had been forced to commit suicide. The new marriage not only
re-established ties to senatorial opposition, but also served the
broader Flavian propaganda of the time, which sought to diminish
Vespasian's political success under Nero. Instead connections to
Claudius and Britannicus were emphasised, and Nero's victims, or those
otherwise disadvantaged by him, rehabilitated. In
73, Domitia and Domitian's only attested son was born. It is not known
what the boy's name was, but he died in childhood sometime between 77
and 81. Shortly following his accession as Emperor, Domitian bestowed the honorific title of Augusta upon Domitia, while their son was deified, appearing as such on the reverse of coin types from this period. Nevertheless, the marriage appears to have faced a significant crisis in 83. For reasons unknown, Domitian briefly exiled Domitia,
and then soon recalled her, either out of love or due to rumours that
he was carrying on a relationship with his niece Julia Flavia. Jones argues that most likely he did so for her failure to produce an heir. By 84, Domitia had returned to the palace, where she lived for the remainder of Domitian's reign without incident. Little
is known of Domitia's activities as Empress, or how much influence she
wielded in Domitian's government, but it seems her role was limited.
From Suetonius, we know that she at least accompanied the Emperor to the amphitheatre, while the Jewish writer Josephus speaks of benefits he received from her. It
is not known whether Domitian had other children, but he did not marry
again. Despite allegations by Roman sources of adultery and divorce,
the marriage appears to have been happy. Prior to becoming Emperor, Domitian's role in the Flavian government was largely ceremonial. In June of 71, Titus returned
triumphant from the war in Judaea. Ultimately, the rebellion had
claimed the lives of over 1 million people, a majority of which were
Jewish. The city and temple of Jerusalem were
completely destroyed, its most valuable treasures carried off by the
Roman army, and nearly 100,000 people were captured and enslaved. For his victory, the Senate awarded Titus a Roman triumph.
On the day of the festivities, the Flavian family rode into the
capital, preceded by a lavish parade which displayed the spoils of the
war. The
family procession was headed by Vespasian and Titus, while Domitian,
riding a magnificent white horse, followed with the remaining Flavian relatives. Leaders of the Jewish resistance were executed in the Forum Romanum, after which the procession closed with religious sacrifices at the Temple of Jupiter. A triumphal arch, the Arch of Titus, was erected at the south-east entrance to the Forum to commemorate the successful end of the war. Yet
the return of Titus further highlighted the comparative insignificance
of Domitian, both militarily and politically. As the eldest and most experienced of Vespasian's sons, Titus shared tribunician power with his father, received seven consulships, the censorship, and was given command of the Praetorian Guard; powers which left no doubt he was the designated heir to the Empire. As a second son, Domitian held honorary titles, such as Caesar or Princeps Iuventutis, and several priesthoods, including those of augur, pontifex, frater arvalis, magister frater arvalium, and sacerdos collegiorum omnium, but no office with imperium.
He held six consulships during Vespasian's reign but only one of these,
in 73, was an ordinary consulship. The other five were less prestigious suffect consulships, which he held in 71, 75, 76, 77 and 79 respectively, usually replacing his father or brother in mid-January. While
ceremonial, these offices no doubt gained Domitian valuable experience
in the Roman Senate, and may have contributed to his later reservations about its relevance. Under
Vespasian and Titus, non-Flavians were virtually excluded from the
important public offices. Mucianus himself all but disappeared from
historical records during this time, and it is believed he died
sometime between 75 and 77. Real power was unmistakably concentrated in the hands of the Flavian faction; the weakened Senate only maintained the facade of democracy. Because
Titus effectively acted as co-emperor with his father, no abrupt change
in Flavian policy occurred when Vespasian died on 23 June 79. Titus
assured Domitian that full partnership in the government would soon be
his, but neither tribunician power nor imperium of any kind was conferred upon him during Titus' brief reign. Understandably,
the new emperor was not eager to alter this arrangement: he would have
expected to rule for at least another twenty or thirty years, and
urgent attention was required to address the multitude of disasters
which struck during 79 and 80. On 24 August 79, Mount Vesuvius erupted, burying the surrounding cities of Pompeii and Herculaneum under
metres of ash and lava; the following year, a fire broke out in Rome
which lasted three days and which destroyed a number of important
public buildings. Consequently,
Titus spent much of his reign coordinating relief efforts and restoring
damaged property. On 13 September 81 after barely two years in office,
he unexpectedly died of fever during a trip to the Sabine territories. Ancient authors have implicated Domitian in the death of his brother, either by directly accusing him of murder, or implying he left the ailing Titus for dead, even alleging that during his lifetime, Domitian was openly plotting against his brother. It is difficult to assess the factual veracity of these statements given the known bias of
the surviving sources. Brotherly affection was likely at a minimum, but
this was hardly surprising, considering that Domitian had barely seen
Titus after the age of seven. Whatever
the nature of their relationship, Domitian seems to have displayed
little sympathy when his brother lay dying, instead making for the Praetorian camp where
he was proclaimed emperor. The following day, 14 September, the Senate
confirmed Domitian's powers, granting tribunician power, the office of Pontifex Maximus, and the titles of Augustus, and Pater Patriae. As Emperor, Domitian quickly dispensed with the republican facade his father and brother had maintained during their reign. By moving the centre of government (more or less formally) to the imperial court, Domitian openly rendered the Senate's powers obsolete. In his view, the Roman Empire was to be governed as a divine monarchy with himself as the benevolent despot at its head. In addition to exercising absolute political power, Domitian believed the
emperor's role encompassed every aspect of daily life, guiding the
Roman people as a cultural and moral authority. To
usher in the new era, he embarked on ambitious economic, military and
cultural programs with the intention of restoring the Empire to the
splendour it had seen under the emperor Augustus. Despite
these grand designs Domitian was determined to govern the Empire
conscientiously and scrupulously. He became personally involved in all
branches of the administration: edicts were issued governing the smallest details of everyday life and law, while taxation and public morals were rigidly enforced. According to Suetonius, the imperial bureaucracy never
ran more efficiently than under Domitian, whose exacting standards and
suspicious nature maintained historically low corruption among provincial governors and elected officials. Although he made no pretence regarding the significance of the Senate under his absolute rule, those senators he
deemed unworthy were expelled from the Senate, and in the distribution
of public offices he rarely favoured family members; a policy which
stood in contrast to the nepotism practiced by Vespasian and Titus. Above
all, however, Domitian valued loyalty and malleability in those he
assigned to strategic posts, qualities he found more often in men of the equestrian order
than in members of the Senate or his own family, whom he regarded with
suspicion, and promptly removed from office if they disagreed with
imperial policy. The
reality of Domitian's autocracy was further highlighted by the fact
that, more than any emperor since Tiberius, he spent significant periods of time away from the capital. Although
the Senate's power had been in decline since the fall of the Republic,
under Domitian the seat of power was no longer even in Rome, but rather
wherever the Emperor was. Until the completion of the Flavian Palace on the Palatine Hill,
the imperial court was situated at Alba or Circeo, and sometimes even
farther afield. Domitian toured the European provinces extensively, and
spent at least three years of his reign in Germania and Illyricum, conducting military campaigns on the frontiers of the Empire. In order to appease the people of Rome an estimated 135 million sestertii was spent on donatives, or congiaria, throughout Domitian's reign. The
Emperor also revived the practice of public banquets, which had been
reduced to a simple distribution of food under Nero, while he invested
large sums on entertainment and games. In 86 he founded the Capitoline Games, a quadrennial contest comprising athletic displays, chariot racing, and competitions for oratory, music and acting. Domitian
himself supported the travel of competitors from all corners of the
Empire to Rome and distributed the prizes. Innovations were also
introduced into the regular gladiatorial games
such as naval contests, nighttime battles, and female and dwarf
gladiator fights. Lastly, he added two new factions to the chariot
races, Gold and Purple, to race against the existing White, Red, Green
and Blue factions. The
military campaigns undertaken during Domitian's reign were generally
defensive in nature, as the Emperor rejected the idea of expansionist warfare. His most significant military contribution was the development of the Limes Germanicus, which encompassed a vast network of roads, forts and watchtowers constructed along the Rhine river to defend the Empire. Nevertheless, several important wars were fought in Gaul, against the Chatti, and across the Danube frontier against the Suebi, the Sarmatians, and the Dacians. The conquest of Britain continued under the command of Gnaeus Julius Agricola, who expanded the Roman Empire as far as Caledonia, or modern day Scotland. Domitian also founded a new legion in 82, the Legio I Minervia, to fight against the Chatti. Domitian is also credited on the easternmost Roman evidence known, the rock inscription near Boyukdash mountain, in present day Azerbaijan. As judged by the carved titles of Caesar, Augustus and Germanicus, the related march took place between 84 and 96. Domitian's
administration of the Roman army was characterized by the same
fastidious involvement he exhibited in other branches of the
government. His competence as a military strategist was criticised by
his contemporaries however. Although he claimed several triumphs,
these were largely propaganda manoeuvres. Tacitus derided Domitian's
victory against the Chatti as a "mock triumph", and criticised his
decision to retreat from Britain following the conquests of Agricola. Nevertheless,
Domitian appears to have been very popular amongst the soldiers,
spending an estimated three years of his reign among the army on
campaigns — more than any emperor since Augustus — and raising their pay by
one-third. While
the army command may have disapproved of his tactical and strategic
decisions, the loyalty of the common soldier was unquestioned.
Once
Emperor, Domitian immediately sought to attain his long delayed
military glory. As early as 82, or possibly 83, he went to Gaul, ostensibly to conduct a census, and suddenly ordered an attack on the Chatti. For
this purpose, a new legion was founded, Legio I Minervia, which
constructed some 75 kilometres (46 mi) of roads through
Chattan territory to uncover the enemy's hiding places. Although
little information survives of the battles fought, enough early
victories were apparently achieved for Domitian to be back in Rome by
the end of 83, where he celebrated an elaborate triumph and conferred
upon himself the title of Germanicus. Domitian's supposed victory was much scorned by ancient authors, who described the campaign as "uncalled for", and a "mock triumph". The
evidence lends some credence to these claims, as the Chatti would later
play a significant role during the revolt of Saturninus in 89. One of the most detailed reports of military activity under the Flavian dynasty was written by Tacitus, whose biography of his father-in-law Gnaeus Julius Agricola largely concerns the conquest of Britain between 77 and 84. Agricola arrived c. 77 as governor of Roman Britain, immediately launching campaigns into Caledonia: modern day Scotland. In 82 Agricola crossed an unidentified body of water and defeated peoples unknown to the Romans until then. He
fortified the coast facing Ireland, and Tacitus recalls that his
father-in-law often claimed the island could be conquered with a single
legion and a few auxiliaries. He
had given refuge to an exiled Irish king whom he hoped he might use as
the excuse for conquest. This conquest never happened, but some
historians believe that the crossing referred to was in fact a
small-scale exploratory or punitive expedition to Ireland. Turning his attention from Ireland, the following year Agricola raised a fleet and pushed beyond the Forth into Caledonia. To aid the advance, a large legionary fortress was constructed at Inchtuthil. In the summer of 84, Agricola faced the armies of the Caledonians, led by Calgacus, at the Battle of Mons Graupius. Although
the Romans inflicted heavy losses on the enemy, two-thirds of the
Caledonian army escaped and hid in the Scottish marshes and Highlands, ultimately preventing Agricola from bringing the entire British island under his control. In
85, Agricola was recalled to Rome by Domitian, having served for more
than six years as governor, longer than normal for consular legates during the Flavian era. Tacitus
claims that Domitian ordered his recall because Agricola's successes
outshone the Emperor's own modest victories in Germania. The
relationship between Agricola and the Emperor is unclear: on the one
hand, Agricola was awarded triumphal decorations and a statue, on the
other, Agricola never again held a civil or military post in spite of
his experience and renown. He was offered the governorship of the
province of Africa, but declined it, either due to ill health or, as Tacitus claims, the machinations of Domitian. Not long after Agricola's recall from Britain, the Roman Empire entered into war with the Kingdom of Dacia in the East. Reinforcements were needed, and in 87 or 88, Domitian ordered a large-scale strategic withdrawal of
troops in the British province. The fortress at Inchtuthil was
dismantled and the Caledonian forts and watchtowers abandoned, moving
the Roman frontier some 120 kilometres (75 mi) further south. The
army command may have resented Domitian's decision to retreat, but to
him the Caledonian territories never represented anything more than a
loss to the Roman treasury.
The most significant threat the Roman Empire faced during the reign of Domitian arose from the northern provinces of Illyricum, where the Suebi, the Sarmatians and the Dacians continuously harassed Roman settlements along the Danube river. Of these, the Sarmatians and the Dacians were the most formidable. In approximately 84 or 85 the Dacians, led by King Decebalus, crossed the Danube into the province of Moesia, wreaking havoc and killing the Moesian governor Oppius Sabinus. Domitian immediately launched a counteroffensive, personally travelling to the region accompanied by a large force commanded by his praetorian prefect Cornelius Fuscus.
Fuscus successfully drove the Dacians back across the border in mid 85,
prompting Domitian to return to Rome and celebrate his second triumph. The
victory proved to be short lived however, as early in 86, Fuscus
embarked on an ill-fated expedition into Dacia, which resulted in the
complete destruction of the fifth legion, Legio V Alaudae, in the First Battle of Tapae. Fuscus was killed, and the battle standard of the Praetorian Guard was lost. The loss of the battle standard, or aquila, was indicative of a crushing defeat and a serious affront to Roman national pride. Domitian
returned to Moesia in August of 86. He divided the province into Lower
Moesia and Upper Moesia, and transferred three additional legions to
the Danube. In 87, the Romans invaded Dacia once more, this time under
the command of Tettius Julianus, and finally defeated Decebalus in late 88 at the same site where Fuscus had previously perished. An attack on the Dacian capital Sarmizegetusa was
forestalled however, when new troubles arose on the German frontier in
89. In order to avert having to conduct a war on two fronts, Domitian
agreed to terms of peace with Decebalus, negotiating free access of
Roman troops through the Dacian region while granting Decebalus an
annual subsidy of 8 million sesterces. Contemporary
authors severely criticised this treaty, which was considered shameful
to the Romans and left the deaths of Sabinus and Fuscus unavenged. For the remainder of Domitian's reign Dacia remained a relatively peaceful client kingdom, but Decebalus used the Roman money to fortify his defences, and continued to defy Rome. It was not until the reign of Trajan that
the Romans achieved a decisive victory against Decebalus in 106. Again,
the Roman army sustained heavy losses, but Trajan succeeded in
capturing Sarmizegetusa and, importantly, annexed the Dacian gold and
silver mines.
Domitian firmly believed in the traditional Roman religion,
and personally saw to it that ancient customs and morals were observed
throughout his reign. In order to justify the divine nature of the
Flavian rule, Domitian emphasized connections with the chief deity Jupiter, perhaps most significantly through the impressive restoration of the Temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline Hill. A small chapel dedicated to Jupiter Conservator was
also constructed near the house where Domitian had fled to safety on 20
December, 69. Later in his reign, he replaced it with a more expansive
building, dedicated to Jupiter Custos. The goddess he worshipped the most zealously however was Minerva.
Not only did he keep a personal shrine dedicated to her in his bedroom,
she regularly appeared on his coinage — in four different attested
reverse types — and he founded a legion, Legio I Minervia, in her name. Domitian also revived the practice of the imperial cult,
which had fallen somewhat out of use under Vespasian. Significantly,
his first act as an Emperor was the deification of his brother Titus.
Upon their deaths, his infant son, and niece, Julia Flavia, were
likewise enrolled among the gods. To foster the worship of the imperial
family, he erected a dynastic mausoleum on the site of Vespasian's former house on the Quirinal, and completed the Temple of Vespasian and Titus, a shrine dedicated to the worship of his deified father and brother. To memorialize the military triumphs of the Flavian family, he ordered the construction of the Templum Divorum and the Templum Fortuna Redux, and completed the Arch of Titus. Construction
projects such as these constituted only the most visible part of
Domitian's religious policy, which also concerned itself with the
fulfilment of religious law and public morals. In 85, he nominated
himself perpetual censor, the office which held the task of supervising Roman morals and conduct. Once again, Domitian acquitted himself of this task dutifully, and with care. He renewed the Lex Iulia de Adulteriis Coercendis, under which adultery was punishable by exile. From the list of jurors he struck an equestrian who had divorced his wife and taken her back, while an ex-quaestor was expelled from the Senate for acting and dancing. Domitian
also heavily prosecuted corruption among public officials, removing
jurors if they accepted bribes and rescinding legislation when a conflict of interest was suspected. He ensured that libellous writings, especially those directed against himself, were punishable by exile or death. Actors were likewise regarded with suspicion, as their performances provided an opportunity for satire at the expense of the government. Consequently, he forbade mimes from appearing on stage in public. In 87, Vestal Virgins were
found to have broken their sacred vows of lifelong public chastity. As
the Vestals were regarded as daughters of the community, this offence
essentially constituted incest.
Accordingly, those found guilty of any such transgression were
condemned to death, either by a manner of their choosing, or according
to the ancient fashion, which dictated that Vestals should be buried alive. Foreign
religions were tolerated insofar as they did not interfere with public
order, or could be assimilated with the traditional Roman religion. The
worship of Egyptian deities in particular flourished under the Flavian
dynasty, to an extent not seen again until the reign of Commodus. Veneration of Serapis and Isis, who were identified with Jupiter and Minerva respectively, was especially prominent. A tradition based upon 4th century writings by Eusebius of Caesarea maintains that Jews and Christians were heavily persecuted toward the end of Domitian's reign. The Book of Revelation is thought to have been written during this period. However no convincing evidence exists of any widespread religious oppression under Domitian. Although
Jews were heavily taxed, no contemporary authors mention trials or
executions based on religious offences other than those within the
Roman religion. On 1 January 89, the governor of Germania Superior, Lucius Antonius Saturninus, and his two legions at Mainz, Legio XIV Gemina and Legio XXI Rapax, revolted against the Roman Empire with the aid of the Chatti. The
precise cause for the rebellion is uncertain, although it appears to
have been planned well in advance. The Senatorial officers may have
disapproved of Domitian's military strategies, such as his decision to
fortify the German frontier rather than attack, as well as his recent
retreat from Britain, and finally the disgraceful policy of appeasement towards Decebalus. At
any rate, the uprising was strictly confined to Saturninus' province,
and quickly detected once the rumour spread across the neighbouring
provinces. The governor of Germania Inferior, Lappius Maximus, moved to the region at once, assisted by the procurator of Rhaetia, Titus Flavius Norbanus.
From Spain, Trajan was summoned, whilst Domitian himself came from Rome
with the Praetorian Guard. By a stroke of luck, a thaw prevented the
Chatti from crossing the Rhine and coming to Saturninus' aid. Within
twenty-four days the rebellion was crushed, and its leaders at Mainz
savagely punished. The mutinous legions were sent to the front in Illyricum, while those who had assisted in their defeat were duly rewarded. Lappius
Maximus received the governorship of the province of Syria, a
consulship in May of 95, and finally a priesthood which he still held
in 102. Titus Flavius Norbanus may have been appointed to the
prefecture of Egypt, but almost certainly became prefect of the
Praetorian Guard by 94, with Titus Petronius Secundus as his colleague. Domitian
opened the year following the revolt by sharing the consulship with
Marcus Cocceius Nerva, suggesting the latter had played a part in
uncovering the conspiracy, perhaps in a fashion similar to the one he
played during the Pisonian conspiracy
under
Nero. Although little is known about the life and career of Nerva
before his accession as Emperor in 96, he appears to have been a highly
adaptable diplomat, surviving multiple regime changes and emerging as
one of the Flavians' most trusted advisors. His consulship may therefore have been intended to emphasise the stability and status quo of the regime. The revolt had been suppressed and the Empire returned to order. Since the fall of the Republic, the authority of the Roman Senate had largely eroded under the quasi-monarchical system of government established by Augustus, known as the Principate. The Principate allowed the existence of a de facto dictatorial regime, while maintaining the formal framework of the Roman Republic. Most Emperors upheld the public facade of democracy, and in return the Senate implicitly acknowledged the Emperor's status as a de facto monarch.
Some rulers handled this arrangement with less subtlety than others
however, among them Domitian. From the outset of his reign, he stressed
the reality of his autocracy. He disliked aristocrats and
had no fear of showing it, withdrawing every decision making power from
the Senate, and instead relying on a small set of friends and
equestrians to control the important offices of state. The
dislike was mutual. After Domitian's assassination, the senators of
Rome rushed to the Senate house, where they immediately passed a motion condemning his memory to oblivion. Under
the rulers of the Nervan-Antonian dynasty, senatorial authors published
histories which elaborated on the view of Domitian as a tyrant. Nevertheless,
the evidence suggests that Domitian did make concessions toward
senatorial opinion. Whereas his father and brother had concentrated
consular power largely in the hands of the Flavian family, Domitian
admitted a surprisingly large number of provincials and potential
opponents to the consulship, allowing them to head the official
calendar by opening the year as an ordinary consul. Whether
this was a genuine attempt to reconcile with hostile factions in the
Senate cannot be ascertained. By offering the consulship to potential
opponents, Domitian may have wanted to compromise these senators in the
eyes of their supporters. When their conduct proved unsatisfactory,
they were almost invariably brought to trial and exiled or executed,
and their property was confiscated. Both
Tacitus and Suetonius speak of escalating persecutions toward the end
of Domitian's reign, identifying a point of sharp increase around 93,
or sometime after the failed revolt of Saturninus in 89. At least twenty senatorial opponents were executed, including Domitia Longina's former husband Lucius Aelius Lamia and three of Domitian's own family members, Titus Flavius Sabinus IV, Titus Flavius Clemens and Marcus Arrecinus Clemens. Some
of these men were executed as early as 83 or 85 however, lending little
credit to Tacitus' notion of a "reign of terror" late in Domitian's
reign. According to Suetonius, some were convicted for corruption or
treason, others on trivial charges, which Domitian justified through
his suspicion: He
used to say that the lot of Emperors was most unfortunate, since when
they discovered a conspiracy, no one believed them unless they had been
murdered. Jones compares the executions of Domitian to those under Emperor Claudius (41 – 55),
noting that Claudius executed around 35 senators and 300 equestrians,
and yet was still deified by the Senate and regarded as one of the good
Emperors of history. Domitian was apparently unable to gain support among the aristocracy, despite
attempts to appease hostile factions with consular appointments. His
autocratic style of government accentuated the Senate's loss of power,
while his policy of treating patricians and even family members as
equals to all Romans earned him their contempt. Domitian was murdered on 18 September 96, in a palace conspiracy organized by court officials. A highly detailed account of the plot and the assassination is provided by Suetonius, who alleges that Domitian's chamberlain Parthenius was the chief instigator behind the conspiracy, citing the recent execution of Domitian's secretary Epaphroditus as the primary motive. The murder itself was carried out by a freedman of Parthenius named Maximus, and a steward of Domitian's niece Flavia Domitilla,
named Stephanus. The precise involvement of the Praetorian Guard is
less clear. At the time the Guard was commanded by Titus Flavius
Norbanus and Titus Petronius Secundus and the latter was almost
certainly aware of the plot. Cassius Dio,
writing nearly a hundred years after the assassination, includes
Domitia Longina among the conspirators, but in light of her attested
devotion to Domitian — even years after her husband had died — her
involvement in the plot seems highly unlikely. Dio further suggests that the assassination was improvised, while Suetonius implies a well organised conspiracy. For some days before the attack took place, Stephanus feigned an injury so as to be able to conceal a dagger beneath
his bandages. On the day of the assassination the doors to the
servants' quarters were locked while Domitian's personal weapon of last
resort, a sword he concealed beneath his pillow, had been removed in
advance. In accordance with an astrological prediction
the emperor believed that he would die around noon, and was therefore
restless during this time of the day. On his last day, Domitian was
feeling disturbed and asked a servant several times what time it was.
The boy, included in the plot, lied, saying that it was much later than
noon. More at ease, the emperor went to his desk to sign some decrees, where he was suddenly approached by Stephanus: Then
pretending to betray a conspiracy and for that reason being given an
audience, [Stephanus] stabbed the emperor in the groin as he was
reading a paper which the assassin handed him, and stood in a state of
amazement. As the wounded prince attempted to resist, he was slain with
seven wounds by Clodianus, a subaltern, Maximus, a freedman of
Parthenius, Satur, decurion of the chamberlains, and a gladiator from
the imperial school. Domitian
and Stephanus wrestled on the ground for some time, until the emperor
was finally overpowered and fatally stabbed by the conspirators. Around
noon Domitian, just one month short of his 45th birthday, was dead. His
body was carried away on a common bier, and unceremoniously cremated by
his nurse Phyllis, who later mingled the ashes with those of his niece
Julia, at the Flavian temple. According to Suetonius, a number of omens had foretold Domitian's death. Several days prior to the assassination, Minerva had appeared to him in a dream, announcing she had been disarmed by Jupiter, and would no longer be able to protect him.
The Fasti Ostienses, the Ostian Calendar, records that the same day the Senate proclaimed Marcus Cocceius Nerva emperor. Despite his political experience, this was a remarkable choice. Nerva was old
and childless, and had spent much of his career out of the public
light, prompting both ancient and modern authors to speculate on his
involvement in Domitian's assassination. According
to Cassius Dio, the conspirators approached Nerva as a potential
successor prior to the assassination, suggesting that he was at least aware of the plot. He
does not appear in Suetonius' version of the events, but this may be
understandable, since his works were published under Nerva's direct
descendants Trajan and Hadrian. To suggest the dynasty owed its
accession to murder would have been less than sensitive. On
the other hand, Nerva lacked widespread support in the Empire, and as a
known Flavian loyalist, his track record would not have recommended him
to the conspirators. The precise facts have been obscured by history, but
modern historians believe Nerva was proclaimed Emperor solely on the
initiative of the Senate, within hours after the news of the
assassination broke. The decision may have been hasty so as to avoid
civil war, but neither appears to have been involved in the conspiracy. The Senate nonetheless rejoiced at the death of Domitian, and immediately following Nerva's accession as Emperor, passed damnatio memoriae on his memory: his coins and statues were melted, his arches were torn down and his name was erased from all public records. Domitian and, over a century later Publius Septimius Geta, were the only emperors known to have officially received a damnatio memoriae, though others may have received de facto ones. In many instances, existing portraits of Domitian, such as those found on the Cancelleria Reliefs,
were simply recarved to fit the likeness of Nerva, which allowed quick
production of new images and recycling of previous material. Yet the order of the Senate was only partially executed in Rome, and wholly disregarded in most of the provinces outside Italy. According
to Suetonius, the people of Rome met the news of Domitian's death with
indifference, but the army was much grieved, calling for his deification immediately after the assassination, and in several provinces rioting. As
a compensation measure, the Praetorian guard demanded the execution of
Domitian's assassins, which Nerva refused. Instead he merely dismissed
Titus Petronius Secundus, and replaced him with a former commander, Casperius Aelianus. Dissatisfaction
with this state of affairs continued to loom over Nerva's reign, and
ultimately erupted into a crisis in October of 97, when members of the
Praetorian guard, led by Casperius Aelianus, laid siege to the Imperial Palace and took Nerva hostage. He
was forced to submit to their demands, agreeing to hand over those
responsible for Domitian's death and even giving a speech thanking the
rebellious Praetorians. Titus
Petronius Secundus and Parthenius were sought out and killed. Nerva was
unharmed in this assault, but his authority was damaged beyond repair.
Shortly thereafter he announced the adoption of Trajan as his successor, and with this decision all but abdicated. The
classic view of Domitian is usually negative, since most of the antique
sources were related to the Senatorial or aristocratic class, with
which Domitian had a notoriously difficult relation. Furthermore, contemporary historians such as Pliny the Younger, Tacitus and Suetonius all
authored the information on his reign after it had ended, and his
memory had been condemned to oblivion. The work of Domitian's court
poets Martial and Statius constitutes
virtually the only literary evidence concurrent with his reign. Perhaps
equally unsurprising as the attitude of post-Domitianic historians, the
poems of Martial and Statius are highly adulatory, praising Domitian's
achievements as equalling those of the gods.
The
most extensive account of the life of Domitian to survive was written
by the historian Suetonius, who was born during the reign of Vespasian,
and published his works under Emperor Hadrian (117 – 138). His De Vita Caesarum is
the source of much of what is known of Domitian. Although his text is
predominantly negative, it neither exclusively condemns nor praises
Domitian, and asserts that his rule started well, but gradually
declined into terror. The
biography is problematic however, in that it appears to contradict
itself with regards to Domitian's rule and personality, at the same
time presenting him as a conscientious, moderate man, and as a decadent libertine. According
to Suetonius, Domitian wholly feigned his interest in arts and
literature, and never bothered to acquaint himself with classic
authors. Other passages, alluding to Domitian's love of epigrammatic expression,
suggest that he was in fact familiar with classic writers, while he
also patronized poets and architects, founded artistic olympics, and
personally restored the library of Rome at great expense after it had
burned down. De Vita Caesarum is
also the source of several outrageous stories regarding Domitian's
marriage life. According to Suetonius, Domitia Longina was exiled in 83
because of an affair with a famous actor named Paris.
When Domitian found out, he allegedly murdered Paris in the street and
promptly divorced his wife, with Suetonius further adding that once
Domitia was exiled, Domitian took Julia as his mistress, who later died
during a failed abortion. Modern
historians consider this highly implausible however, noting that
malicious rumours such as those concerning Domitia's alleged infidelity
were eagerly repeated by post-Domitianic authors, and used to highlight
the hypocrisy of a ruler publicly preaching a return to Augustan
morals, while privately indulging in excesses and presiding over a
corrupt court.Nevertheless, the account of Suetonius has dominated imperial historiography for centuries. Although
Tacitus is usually considered to be the most reliable author of this
era, his views on Domitian are complicated by the fact that his
father-in-law, Gnaeus Julius Agricola, may have been a personal enemy
of the Emperor. In his biographical work Agricola,
Tacitus maintains that Agricola was forced into retirement because his
triumph over the Caledonians highlighted Domitian's own inadequacy as a
military commander. Several modern authors such as Dorey have argued
the opposite: that Agricola was in fact a close friend of Domitian, and
that Tacitus merely sought to distance his family from the fallen
dynasty once Nerva was in power. Tacitus' major historical works, including The Histories and
Agricola's biography, were all written and published under Domitian's
successors Nerva (96 – 98) and Trajan (98 – 117). Unfortunately, the part
of Tacitus' Histories dealing
with the reign of the Flavian dynasty is almost entirely lost. His
views on Domitian survive through brief comments in its first five
books, and the short but highly negative characterisation in Agricola in
which he severely criticises Domitian's military endeavours.
Nevertheless, Tacitus admits his debt to the Flavians with regard to
his own public career. Other influential 2nd century authors include Juvenal and Pliny the Younger, the latter whom was a friend of Tacitus and in 100 delivered his famous Panygericus Traiani before
Trajan and the Roman Senate, exalting the new era of restored freedom
while condemning Domitian as a tyrant. Juvenal savagely satirized the
Domitianic court in his Satires,
depicting the Emperor and his entourage as corrupt, violent and unjust.
As a consequence, the anti-Domitianic tradition was already well
established by the end of the 2nd century, and by the 3rd century, even
expanded upon by early Church historians, who identified Domitian as an
early persecutor of Christians. Hostile views of Domitian were propagated until well into the early 20th century, before archeological and numismatic advances
brought renewed attention to his reign, and necessitated a revision of
the literary tradition established by Tacitus and Pliny. In 1930, Ronald Syme argued
a complete reassessment of Domitian's financial policy, which had until
then been largely viewed as a disaster, opening his paper with the
following introduction: The
work of the spade and the use of common sense have done much to
mitigate the influence of Tacitus and Pliny and redeem the memory of
Domitian from infamy or oblivion. But much remains to be done. Over
the course of the 20th century, Domitian's military, administrative and
economic policies were re-evaluated. New book length studies were not
published until the 1990s however, nearly a hundred years after Stéphane Gsell's Essai sur le règne de l'empereur Domitien (1894). The most important of these was The Emperor Domitian, by Brian W. Jones. In his monograph, Jones concludes that Domitian was a ruthless, but efficient autocrat. For
the majority of his reign, there was no widespread dissatisfaction with
the emperor or his rule. His harshness was felt by only a small, but
highly vocal minority, who later exaggerated his despotism in favour of the well regarded Nervan - Antonian dynasty which followed. |