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Theobald Wolfe Tone (20 June 1763 – 19 November 1798), commonly known as Wolfe Tone, was a leading figure in the United Irishmen Irish independence movement and is regarded as the father of Irish republicanism. Wolfe Tone died from his wounds eight days after he attempted suicide by using a penknife to open an artery in his neck. Theobald was born in Dublin, the son of a Church of Ireland Protestant coach maker, Peter Tone, who had a farm near Sallins, County Kildare. He was baptised as Theobald Wolfe Tone in honour of his godfather, Theobald Wolfe of Blackhall, County Kildare, a first cousin of Arthur Wolfe, 1st Viscount Kilwarden. However, it was widely believed that Tone was the natural son of Theobald Wolfe. In 1783 Wolfe found work as a tutor to Anthony and Robert, younger half - brothers of Richard Martin (M.P.) of Galway, a prominent supporter of Catholic Emancipation. He had an affair with Martin's wife, and narrowly escaped a duel with Martin. He studied law at Trinity College, Dublin, where he became active in the debating club, the College Historical Society, and was elected Auditor in 1785. He qualified as a barrister from King's Inns at the age of 26 and attended the Inns of Court in London.
As a student, he eloped with Martha Witherington, daughter of William
Witherington of Dublin, and his wife, Catherine Fanning. She would go
on to change her name to Matilda, on Wolfe Tone's request. Disappointed at finding no support for a plan to found a military colony in Hawaii that he submitted to William Pitt the Younger, Tone turned to Irish politics. A 1790 pamphlet attacking the administration of the Marquess of Buckingham brought him to the notice of the Whig club; in September 1791 he wrote an essay by "A Northern Whig," 10,000 copies of which were said to have been sold. The principles of the French Revolution were now being eagerly embraced in Ireland, especially among the Presbyterians of Ulster. Two months before Tone's essay, a meeting had been held in Belfast,
where republican toasts had been drunk and a resolution in favour of
the abolition of religious disqualifications gave the first sign of
political sympathy between the Roman Catholics and the Protestant dissenters ("Whigs") of the north. "A Northern Whig" emphasized the growing breach between Whig patriots like Henry Flood and Henry Grattan, who aimed at Catholic emancipation and parliamentary reform without severing the tie to England, and those who desired a separate Irish republic. Tone expressed contempt for the constitution Grattan so triumphantly extorted from the British government in 1782; himself an Anglican, Tone urged co-operation between the different religions in Ireland as the only means of obtaining redress of Irish grievances. In October 1791 Tone converted these ideas into practical policy by founding, in conjunction with Thomas Russell (1767 – 1803), Napper Tandy and others, the Society of the United Irishmen.
The original purpose of this society was no more than the formation of
a political union between Roman Catholics and Protestants, with a view
to obtaining a liberal measure of parliamentary reform. It was only
when it was obvious that this was unattainable by constitutional
methods that the majority of the members adopted the more
uncompromising opinions which Wolfe Tone held from the first, and
conspired to establish an Irish republic by armed rebellion. Tone
himself admitted that with him hatred of England had always been
"rather an instinct than a principle", though until his views should
become more generally accepted in Ireland he was prepared to work for
reform as opposed to revolution. But he wanted to root out the popular respect for the names of Charlemont and
Henry Grattan, transferring the leadership to more militant campaigners. Grattan was a reformer and a patriot without democratic
ideas; Wolfe Tone was a revolutionary whose principles were drawn from
the French Convention. Grattan's political philosophy was allied to that of Edmund Burke; Tone was a disciple of Georges Danton and Thomas Paine. Paine was a roommate of Tone's compatriot, "Citizen Lord" Edward FitzGerald, in Paris; and Paine's famous themes of the "rights of man" and "common
sense" can be seen in the opening paragraph of the Declaration of the
United Irishmen. It
is important to note the use of the word 'united'. This is what
particularly alarmed the British aristocracy in Westminster as they saw
the Catholic population as the greatest threat to their power in
Ireland. Catholics had additional concerns of their own, these usually
being having to pay the tithe bill to the Anglican Church of Ireland and the rent necessary to lease land from the Protestant Ascendancy. Eighteenth century Ireland was a sectarian state, ruled by a small Anglican minority,
over both a majority Catholic population (most of whose ancestors had
been dispossessed of land and political power in the 17th century Plantations of Ireland, as well to the exclusion of Presbyterian and dissenting Christians from high political office. This was in part also an ethnic division,
the Catholics and Presbyterians being descended from native Irish,
Normans, 'Old English', and Scottish settlers, and the "Protestants"
(Church of Ireland) more often from English settlers like Tone's
family. It is important to note, however, that in this era and place,
"Protestant" referred specifically to the state sanctioned church,
rather than to what today would be broadly referred to as
"Protestantism"; many of what would be today called "Protestants" (but
not Episcopalian / Anglican / Church of Ireland) would have then referred
to themselves as "dissenters". Existing sectarian animosity did threaten to undermine the United Irishmen movement: two secret societies in Ulster fought against each other, the Peep O'Day Boys, who were made up mostly of Protestants, and the Defenders, who were made up of Catholics. These two groups clashed frequently from 1785 and sectarian violence worsened in the county Armagh area
from the mid 1790s. Sectarianism was deliberately fostered to undermine
Wolfe Tone's movement, as it suggested that Ireland couldn't be united
and that religious prejudices were too strong. In addition, the
militant Protestant groups, including the newly founded Orange Order,
could be mobilised against the United Irishmen by the British
authorities. However these groups were largely based in Ulster, and the
underlying reason for their conflicts was the growing demand for rented
land, not religion per se. However,
democratic principles were gaining ground among the Catholics as well
as among the Presbyterians. A quarrel between the moderate and the more
advanced sections of the Catholic Committee led, in December 1791, to
the secession of sixty-eight of the former, led by Lord Kenmare; and the direction of the committee then passed to more violent leaders, of whom the most prominent was John Keogh,
a Dublin tradesman, known as 'Gog'. The active participation of the
Catholics in the movement of the United Irishmen was strengthened by
the appointment of Tone as paid secretary of the Roman Catholic
Committee in the spring of 1792. Despite his desire to emancipate his
fellow countrymen, Tone had very little respect for the Catholic faith
(a view shared by many subsequent Irish republicans).
When the legality of the Catholic Convention in 1792 was questioned by
the government, Tone drew up for the committee a statement of the case
on which a favourable opinion of counsel was obtained; and a sum of
£1500 with a gold medal was voted to Tone by the Convention when
it dissolved itself in April 1793. A petition was made to the king
early in 1793 and that year the re-enfranchisement of Catholics was
enacted, if they had property as 'forty shilling freeholders'.
They could not, however, enter parliament or be made state officials
above grand jurors. Burke and Grattan were anxious that provision
should be made for the education of Irish Roman Catholic priests in
Ireland, to preserve them from the contagion of Jacobinism in
France; Wolfe Tone, "with an incomparably juster forecast", as Lecky
observes, "advocated the same measure for exactly opposite reasons." He
rejoiced that the breaking up of the French schools by the revolution
had rendered necessary the foundation of St Patrick's College, Maynooth, which he foresaw would draw the sympathies of the clergy into more democratic channels. In 1794 the United Irishmen, persuaded that their scheme of universal suffrage and
equal electoral districts was not likely to be accepted by any party in
the Irish parliament, began to found their hopes on a French invasion.
An English clergyman, the Reverend William Jackson, who had taken in revolutionary opinions during his long stay in France, came to Ireland to negotiate between the French committee of public safety and
the United Irishmen. Tone drew up a memorandum for Jackson on the state
of Ireland, which he described as ripe for revolution; the memorandum
was betrayed to the government by an attorney named Cockayne, to whom
Jackson had imprudently disclosed his mission; and in April 1794
Jackson was arrested on a charge of treason. Also
in 1794 the society became a sworn association, using oaths that were
clearly designed to overthrow the state. Given that France and Britain
had been at war since early 1793,
administering or making such oaths turned the society into something
more than a liberal pressure group. Several of the leading United
Irishmen, including Reynolds and Archibald Hamilton Rowan,
immediately fled the country; the papers of the United Irishmen were
seized, and for a time the organisation was broken up. Tone, who had
not attended meetings of the society since May 1793, remained in
Ireland until after the trial and suicide of Jackson in April 1795.
Having friends among the government party, including members of the
Beresford family, he was able to make terms with the government, and in
return for information as to what had passed between Jackson, Rowan and
himself, he was permitted to emigrate to the United States, where he arrived in May 1795. Before leaving, he and his family travelled to Belfast, and it was at the summit of Cavehill that
Tone made the famous Cavehill compact with fellow United Irishmen,
Russel and McCracken, promising "Never to desist in our efforts until
we subvert the authority of England over our country and asserted our independence". Living in Philadelphia,
he wrote a few months later to Thomas Russell expressing unqualified
dislike of the American people, whom he was disappointed to find no
more truly democratic in sentiment and no less attached to authority
than the English; he described George Washington as
a "high - flying aristocrat," and he found the aristocracy of money in
America still less to his liking than the European aristocracy of
birth. Tone also lived briefly in West Chester, Pennsylvania, and Downingtown, Pennsylvania. Tone
did not feel himself bound by his agreement with the British government
to abstain from further conspiracy; and finding himself at Philadelphia
in the company of Reynolds, Rowan, and Tandy, he went to Paris to persuade the French government to send an expedition to invade Ireland. In February 1796 he arrived in Paris and had interviews with De La Croix and Carnot,
who were impressed by his energy, sincerity, and ability. A commission
was given him as adjutant - general in the French army, which he hoped
might protect him from the penalty of treason in the event of capture
by the English; though he himself claimed the authorship of a
proclamation said to have been issued by the United Irishmen, enjoining
that all Irishmen taken with arms in their hands in the British service
should be instantly shot; and he supported a project for landing La Legion Noire in England, who were to burn Bristol, England and commit other atrocities.
He
drew up two memorials representing that the landing of a considerable
French force in Ireland would be followed by a general rising of the
people, and giving a detailed account of the condition of the country.
The
French Directory planned a military landing in Ireland in support of the coming revolution foretold by Tone. The Directory possessed information from Lord Edward FitzGerald and Arthur O'Connor confirming Tone, and prepared to despatch an expedition under Louis Lazare Hoche.
On 15 December 1796, the expedition, consisting of forty-three sail and
carrying about 14,000 men with a large supply of war material for
distribution in Ireland, sailed from Brest.
Tone accompanied it as "Adjutant - general Smith" and had the greatest
contempt for the seamanship of the French sailors, who were unable to
land due to severe gales. They waited for days off Bantry Bay,
waiting for the winds to ease, but eventually returned to France. Tone
served for some months in the French army under Hoche; in June 1797 he
took part in preparations for a Dutch expedition to Ireland, which was to be supported by the French. But the Dutch fleet was detained in the Texel for many weeks by unfavourable weather, and before it eventually put to sea in October (only to be crushed by Duncan in the battle of Camperdown), Tone had returned to Paris and Hoche, the chief hope of the United Irishmen, was dead. When
the prisoners were landed a fortnight later, Sir George Hill recognized
Tone in the French adjutant - general's uniform. At his trial by
court martial in Dublin on 8 November 1798 Tone made a speech avowing
his determined hostility to England and his intention "by frank and
open war to procure the separation of the countries". Recognizing
that the court was certain to convict him, he asked "... that the court
should adjudge me to die the death of a soldier, and that I may be
shot...". Reading from a prepared speech, he defended his view of a
military separation from Britain (as had occurred in the fledgling
United States), and lamented the outbreak of mass violence: Such
are my principles such has been my conduct; if in consequence of the
measures in which I have been engaged misfortunes have been brought
upon this country, I heartily lament it, but let it be remembered that
it is now nearly four years since I have quit Ireland and consequently
I have been personally concerned in none of them; if I am rightly
informed very great atrocities have been committed on both sides, but
that does not at all diminish my regret; for a fair and open war I was
prepared; if that has degenerated into a system of assassination,
massacre, and plunder I do again most sincerely lament it, band those
few who know me personally will give me I am sure credit for the
assertion.
To the people, he had the following to say from the dock:
I
have laboured to abolish the infernal spirit of religious persecution,
by uniting the Catholics and Dissenters. To the former I owe more than
ever can be repaid. The service I was so fortunate as to render them
they rewarded munificently; but they did more: when the public cry was
raised against me — when the friends of my youth swarmed off and left me
alone — the Catholics did not desert me; they had the virtue even to
sacrifice their own interests to a rigid principle of honour; they
refused, though strongly urged, to disgrace a man who, whatever his
conduct towards the Government might have been, had faithfully and
conscientiously discharged his duty towards them; and in so doing,
though it was in my own case, I will say they showed an instance of
public virtue of which I know not whether there exists another example.
His
eloquence was in vain, and his request to be shot was denied. On 10
November 1798, he was found guilty and was sentenced to be hanged on 12
November. Before this sentence was carried out, he attempted suicide by
slitting his throat. The story goes that he was initially saved when
the wound was sealed with a bandage, and he was told if he tried to
talk the wound would open and he would bleed to death. He responded
with the statement 'so be it'. He died on 19 November 1798 at the age
of 35 in Provost's Prison, Dublin, not far from where he was born. A
cast of Tone's death mask is open to public viewing in the vaults of
St. Michan's Church, Dublin. He is buried in Bodenstown, Co. Kildare, and his grave is in the care of the
National Graves Association
A long-standing belief in
Kildare is
that Tone was the natural son of a neighbouring landlord at Blackhall,
near Clane, called Theobald Wolfe. This man was certainly his
godfather, and a cousin of Arthur Wolfe,
Lord Kilwarden,
who warned Tone to leave Ireland in 1795. Then when Tone was arrested
and brought to Dublin in 1798, and facing certain execution, it was
Kilwarden (a senior judge) who granted two orders for Habeas Corpus for
his release. This was a remarkable act, given that the rebellion had
just occurred with great loss of life, and one that could never be
enlarged upon as Kilwarden was unlucky enough to be killed in the riot
starting Emmet's revolt
in 1803. The suggestion is that the Wolfes knew that Tone was a cousin;
Tone himself may not have known. As a pillar of the Protestant Ascendancy and notorious at the time for his prosecution of William Orr,
Kilwarden had no motive whatsoever for trying to assist Tone in 1795
and 1798. Portraits of Wolfes around 1800 arguably show a resemblance to the rebel leader. Emily
Wolfe (1892 – 1980), the last of the Wolfes to live in Kildare, continued
her family tradition of annually laying flowers at Tone's grave until
her death.
"He
rises," says William Lecky the 19th century historian, "far above the
dreary level of commonplace which Irish conspiracy in general presents.
The tawdry and exaggerated rhetoric; the petty vanity and jealousies;
the weak sentimentalism; the utter incapacity for proportioning means
to ends, and for grasping the stern realities of things, which so
commonly disfigure the lives and conduct even of the more honest
members of his class, were wholly alien to his nature. His judgement of
men and things was keen, lucid and masculine, and he was alike prompt
in decision and brave in action."
His
journals, which were written for his family and intimate friends were
published after his death by his son, William Theobald Wolfe Tone
(1791 – 1828), who was educated by the French government and served with
some distinction in the armies of Napoleon, emigrating after Waterloo
to America, where he died, in New York City, on 10 October 1828 at the
age of 37. His mother, Matilda (or Mathilda) Tone also emigrated to the
United States, and she is buried in Greenwood Cemetery in Brooklyn, New York. Tone has been adopted by the Young Ireland movement of the 1840s as an iconic figure, - the "father of Irish republicanism". Modern republicans often quote him: "To
subvert the tyranny of our execrable government, to break the
connection with England, the never failing source of all our political
evils, and to assert the independence of my country -- these were my
objects. To unite the whole people of Ireland, to abolish the memory of
all past dissentions, and to substitute the common name of Irishman, in
the place of the denominations of Protestant, Catholic, and
Dissenter -- these were my means." "To
unite Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter under the common name of
Irishmen in order break the connection with England, the never failing
source of all our political evils, that was my aim". "If
the men of property will not support us, they must fall. Our strength
shall come from that great and respectable class, the men of no property". Every summer, Irish Republicans of various political and paramilitary groupings hold commemorations at Tone's grave in Bodenstown, County Kildare. An attempt on 17 June 1934 by Protestant Republican Congress members
from Belfast to join in the commemoration march was prevented by IRA
stewards. The marchers were stoned and 'scuffles broke out'. This
was later portrayed by some commentators as sectarianism, that
republicans had abandoned Tone's aim to unite Irishmen by ignoring
their religious differences, paying tribute only to his anti-British
republicanism. However,
Brian Hanley's history of the IRA from 1926 - 1936 concludes that the
trouble arose because they were seen as "communist", and not for
sectarian reasons.
Wolfe
Tone's only surviving son was William Theobald Wolfe Tone (both the
eldest two children died prematurely: Maria, b. 1786, Dublin, d. 1803,
Paris, France, of consumption i.e. tuberculosis and Richard, b
1787 / 1789, died in infancy. A fourth child, Francis Rawdon Tone, b. 23
Jun 1793 died 1806, of T.B.). Raised in France by his mother after the
death of his father. Appointed a cadet in the Imperial School of
Cavalry in 1810 by order of Napoleon. He was naturalized a French
citizen on May 4, 1812. In Jan. 1813 he was made sub - lieutenant in the
8th Regiment of Chasseurs and joined the Grand Army in Germany (nom de
guerre - Le Petit Loup). He was at the battles of Löwenberg,
Goldberg, Dresden, Bauthen, Mühlberg, Acken, and Leipzig. He
received six lance wounds at the Battle of Leipzig, was promoted to
lieutenant and aide - de - camp of General Bagneres and was decorated with
the Legion of Honor. After Waterloo, he immigrated to the United
States, where he was commissioned a Captain in the United States Army.
(According to granddaughter Katherine Ann Maxwell, he was a Captain of
Chasseurs in the French Army and a second lieutenant in the U.S.
Cavalry, and his date of death is 11 Oct, 1828.)
Many
Gaelic Athletic Association clubs in Ireland are named in honour of Wolfe Tone; for example Bellaghy Wolfe Tones GAC, Wolfe Tones CLG, County Meath and Liverpool Wolfe Tones.
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