François Tombalbaye, also called Ngarta Tombalbaye (June 15, 1918 – April 13, 1975), was a teacher and a trade union activist who served as the first president of Chad. He was born in the southern region of the country in the Moyen - Chari Prefecture near the city of Koumara and was of the Sara ethnic group, the prominent ethnicity in the five southern prefectures. Tombalbaye succeeded Gabriel Lisette as head of the Chadian Progressive Party (PPT), heading Chad's colonial government from 1959. He ruled the country during its independence on August 11, 1960, and was appointed its first head of government.

Tombalbaye managed to create a coalition of progressive forces from both the north and south of the country and isolating the more conservative Islamic factions in the center as a colonial legislator. After independence he adopted an autocratic form of government, eliminated opposition both within his party and outside his party by banning all other political parties. In 1963 Tombalbaye dissolved the National Assembly in response to rioting. He began nationalizing the civil service, replacing French administrators with less competent locals. He imposed a "National Loan", greatly increasing taxing, to fund the nationalization.

In October, 1968 Tombalbaye was a guest of President Lyndon B. Johnson in Washington, D.C. Following brief talks with Johnson, he traveled to Texas, meeting with research scientists at ICASALS (International Center for Arid and Semiarid Land Studies), part of Texas Tech University.

Tombalbaye's Africanization program failed to account for the large population in the north and center of the country, who were Muslim and did not identify with the Christian and animist south. The Gorane saw independence as a shift of control from French colonials to the south. On November 1, 1965, riots in Guéra Prefecture led to 500 deaths. This sparked a series of disturbances throughout the north and center of the country, compounded by involvement by Chad's neighbors, Libya to the north and Sudan to the east. The most prominent movement in this period was the FROLINAT, or 'National Liberation Front of Chad', based in Sudan. Though FROLINAT was plagued by rivalry and division, it was able to resist Tombalbaye's authoritarianism. Tombalbaye called upon France, Chad's former colonial power, for assistance, citing treaties the two countries had signed at independence.

France agreed to enter the fray, provided that Tombalbaye initiate a series of reforms to the army, government, and civil service. Taxes and laws imposed arbitrarily by Tombalbaye were to be rescinded, and the country's traditional sultans had their role as tax collectors restored, for which they received 10% of the income. He agreed to France's terms in 1969 and Chad embarked on a gradual liberalization process. In elections in 1969, several hundred political prisoners were released from prison, but Tombalbaye was still the only candidate on the ballot.

A further sign of liberalization came in 1971, when Tombalbaye admitted to the Congress of the PPT that he had made mistakes. Steps were taken to reform the government, and more Gorane were included in his new government. Order seemed to have been restored, and France withdrew its troops from the country.

Progress came to a grinding halt in August 1971, when an attempted coup d'état with links to Libyan leader Muammar al-Gaddafi was uncovered. Tombalbaye immediately severed relations with his northern neighbor and even allowed anti - Qadhafi forces to operate from his territory. In return, Gaddafi granted formal recognition and aid to what remained of the FROLINAT opposition to Tombalbaye. Meanwhile, in the south, where Tombalbaye had his greatest support, he responded to a strike by students by replacing the popular Chief of Staff Jacques Doumro with Colonel Félix Malloum. Chad was in the grip of a crippling drought, and Tombalbaye rescinded his amnesty to political prisoners. By the end of 1972, over 1,000 political prisoners had been arrested. At the same time, he also made overtures to the Arab world, reducing Libyan support for, and fomenting infighting in, FROLINAT.

Nevertheless, Tombalbaye felt insecure with his own government as well. Tombalbaye arrested major PPT leaders, including Malloum, for allegedly using witchcraft to overthrow him in what was known as the "Black Sheep Plot," for the animals they allegedly sacrificed. In August, Tombalbaye disbanded the PPT and replaced it with the National Movement for the Cultural and Social Revolution (MNRCS). Under the guise of authenticité, the new movement promoted Africanization: the capital of Fort - Lamy was renamed N'Djamena and Tombalbaye himself changed his given name from François to Ngarta. Christianity was disparaged, missionaries were expelled, and all non - Muslim males in the south between the ages of sixteen and fifty were required to undergo traditional initiation rites known as yondo in order to gain promotion in the civil service and the military. These rites, however, were native to only one of Chad's ethnic groups, Tombalbaye's own Sara people, and even then, only to a subgroup of that people. To everyone else, the rituals were harsh and foreign.

Meanwhile the drought worsened throughout Africa, so in order to improve the dismal economy, people were forced to "volunteer" in a major effort to increase cotton production. With his support in the south diminished, Tombalbaye lashed out at the army, making arbitrary promotions and demotions. Finally, on April 13, 1975, after some of the country's leading officers had been arrested for involvement in an alleged coup, a group of soldiers killed Tombalbaye and installed Félix Malloum, by then a general, as the new head of state.

After the independence was achieved on August 13, 1960, Dacko became Provisional President of the Republic (August 14, 1960 - December 12, 1960), and then, with the active support of France against his rival Abel Goumba, the first president of the CAR (December 12, 1960 - December 31, 1965). In 1960 he also served as President of the Conference of Prime Ministers of Equatorial Africa.

Dacko began to consolidate his power soon after taking office in 1960. He retained the portfolio of Minister of Defense (August 17, 1960 - January 1, 1966) and Keeper of the Seals (August 17, 1960 - January 2, 1963) and amended the Constitution to transform his regime into a one party state with a strong presidency elected for a term of seven years. On January 5, 1964 Dacko was chosen president in an election for which he was the only candidate. His seven year term (1964 – 1971), however, was cut short by a coup d'état carried out by General Jean - Bédel Bokassa.

During his first term as president Dacko significantly increased diamond production in the CAR by eliminating the monopoly on mining held by concessionary companies and decreeing that any Central African could dig for diamonds. He also succeeded in having a diamond cutting factory built in the capital, Bangui. Diamonds eventually became the CAR's most important export and remain so today, even though half or more of the country's diamonds are smuggled out of the country. Dacko encouraged the rapid "Central - africanization" of the CAR's administration, which was accompanied by growing corruption and inefficiency, and he expanded the number of civil servants, which greatly increased the portion of the national budget needed to pay salaries. The difficulty of securing enough revenues to pay a large number of bureaucrats who are often inefficient and corrupt has been a major problem for the CAR ever since.

Dacko was torn between his need to retain the support of France and his need to show that he was not subservient to France. In order to cultivate alternative sources of support and display his independence in foreign policy, Dacko cultivated closer relations with the People's Republic of China, for example. By 1965, however, Dacko had lost the support of most Central Africans and may have been planning to resign from the presidency when he was overthrown.

On the night of December 31, 1965 - January 1, 1966 General Jean - Bédel Bokassa carried out a successful coup d'état against Dacko and prevented the possible assumption of power by a rival, Colonel Jean Izamo, head of the national gendarme police force. Dacko, who belonged to the same Ngbaka ethnic group as Bokassa, was imprisoned, placed under house arrest in Lobaye, but then was released on July 16, 1969 and eventually named personal counselor of President Bokassa on September 17, 1976. When Bokassa's rule came under increasing criticism during the late 1970s, Dacko managed to leave for Paris where the French convinced him to cooperate in a coup to remove Bokassa from power and restore him to the presidency.

On the night of September 20 – 21, 1979, French paratroopers carried out Operation Barracuda, which overthrew Bokassa and restored Dacko to the presidency. In March 1981, Dacko was elected President of the Republic once again (April 1, 1981 - September 1, 1981) in a reasonably free multi - candidate election. Dacko was regarded by many Central Africans as a puppet of the French and his right to rule was challenged, in particular, by Bokassa's former prime minister, Ange - Félix Patassé who, in addition to belonging to the largest ethnic group in the country, the Gbaya, had residential and kinship ties to other ethnic groups and was the most popular politician in the country. Dacko failed once again to satisfy either his people or France.

On September 1, 1981, Dacko was overthrown in a bloodless coup carried out by army chief of staff General André Kolingba, who may have had the support of local French security officers who are suspected of having acted without authorization by France's new Socialist government led by President Mitterrand. Such allegations may never be substantiated, but Kolingba did subsequently enjoy a very close relationship with France and a presidential security team led by Colonel Mantion. Dacko, for his part, was not only unharmed, but eventually returned to politics to lead a party opposed to General Kolingba. Dacko participated in the presidential elections of 1992 and 1993 and in the latter obtained 20.10% of the votes cast.

During the first and second presidential terms of Ange - Félix Patassé (1993 – 1999 and 1999 – 2003), Dacko continued to participate actively in politics as a leader of the opposition. Dacko and Kolingba were the main leaders of the opposition, with Kolingba being generally more powerful than Dacko. Dacko ran for president for the last time in the 1999 elections, coming in third place with 11.2% of the vote. After General François Bozizé overthrew Patassé and proclaimed himself president, Dacko participated in the Dialogue National (National Dialogue) that began on September 9, 2003, but shortly thereafter, on September 27, 2003, Dacko had an attack of asthma. He decided to travel to France to seek treatment, but during a stopover in Yaoundé, Cameroon, on November 7, 2003, he was taken to the General Hospital of Yaoundé where he died at 10 p.m. on November 20, 2003. The CAR government declared a month of national mourning in memory of former President Dacko. On December 13, 2003 he was buried in Mokinda, near his residence.

David Dacko was survived by his wife Brigitte, who bore seven sons and four daughters. Dacko received many awards and honors during his lifetime, including Commander of the Central African Order of Agriculture (April 23, 1963), Commander of the Central African Order of Academic Palms (June 26, 1964). A major street is named after him, Avenue President David Dacko.

Youlou, whose last name means "Grape" in Lari, was born the son of a Lari merchant in Madibou, Moyen - Congo. He was baptized at age nine and three years later, entered a seminary. He attended mission schools in Gabon, Cameroon, and Mbamu, where he met Barthélemy Boganda, the future nationalist leader of Oubangui - Chari and the first president of the Central African Republic. He taught in mission schools in French Moyen - Congo and was ordained as a Catholic priest in either 1946 or 1949. In defiance of orders from his superiors, he ran unsuccessfully in the 1956 elections for the French Assembly and was then defrocked by the church. Ignoring the church's decision, he continued to wear his ecclesiastical robes. Due to his defrocking, he was acclaimed by his fellow countrymen as being a victim of discrimination, which helped launch his political career. Soon after, he took control of Amicale, an anti - French, quasi - religious Lari self - help organization founded by the now - deceased André Matsoua.

He lost the 2 January 1956 territorial assembly elections by a close margin; he finished third with 27.6% of the vote, behind 31% for Felix Tchicaya and 29.1% for Jacques Opangault. However, the loss only skyrocketed his political profile amongst the Congolese people. With his newfound support, on 29 May he founded the Union Démocratique pour la Défense d'Intérêts Africains (UDDIA; English: Democratic Union for the Defense of African Interests), a political party supporting close relations with France, to compete with Tchicaya's Parti Progressiste Congolais (PPC; English: Congolese Progressive Party) and Opangault's Mouvement Socialiste Africain (MSA; English: African Socialist Movement) parties. In November 1959, Youlou filed papers declaring his candidacy for the election of the mayor of Brazzaville. However, these papers were in fact supposed to be filed in Pointe - Noire. French colonial officials, knowledgeable of Boganda's drastic rise to power in Ubangui - Shari, did not want to take the risk of letting Youlou's request lapse and causing a large uproar amongst the public, so they informed him of his error. They believed that they could utilize Youlou's influence among the Lari people to their benefit. Youlou won the vote of the majority of Brazzaville's Bakongo population to become the first black elected mayor in French Equatorial Africa. His surprise victory drastically altered the political landscape in Congo.

In May 1957, he was appointed Minister of Agriculture and deputy to the provisional Legislative Assembly of the Congo by Prime Minister Opangault. Tchicaya's PPC collapsed almost entirely soon afterward, leaving Opanagult and Youlou as the main political contenders in the 1957 legislative elections, which resulted in a stalemate. The UDDIA finally achieved a majority in Congo's legislative assembly the following year. That year, Opangault and Youlou supported political autonomy, which French President Charles de Gaulle considered giving to the Franco - African Community. A change of majority in the assembly resulted in the formation of a provisional government headed by Youlou on 8 December 1958.

Antagonism between the Mbochi (who supported Opangault) and Balali (who supported Youlou) ethnic groups resulted in a series of riots in Brazzaville in February 1959, which had to be subdued by the French army. Youlou used the series of events to attack the opposition. Through gerrymandering, Youlou's UDDIA party obtained 84% of the legislative seats after only receiving 58% of the vote in the April 1959 legislative elections. Three months later, he formed a new government, which was shortly thereafter joined by Opangault and the MSA. By the time independence was declared in the Republic of the Congo in August 1960, Opangault had agreed to serve under Youlou in a highly symbolic position.

The neocolonial Youlou regime was described as being mildly corrupt, aimless in domestic policy, and deferential to France. The high profile development projects it undertook did little to help ordinary Congolese citizens, and its pro - Katanga foreign policy irritated many of Congo's left wing educated urban youth and bureaucrats. When Youlou planned to make the UDDIA the sole legal party of the country, the general population resisted. Youlou's regime was brought to its demise following three days of street riots in August 1963, which became known as "les trois glorieuses". Youlou was succeeded by a string of leaders who were committed to a form of socialist development for Congo. They were all committed to maintaining a one party state in Congo.

Gabriel Léon M'ba (UMM-bah) (9 February 1902 – 27 November 1967) was the first Prime Minister (1959 – 1961) and President (1961 – 1967) of Gabon. A member of the Fang ethnic group, M'ba was born into a relatively privileged village family. After studying at a seminary, he held a number of small jobs before entering the colonial administration as a customs agent. His political activism in favor of black people worried the French administration, and as a punishment for his activities, he was issued a prison sentence after committing a minor crime that normally would have resulted in a small fine. In 1924, the administration gave M'ba a second chance and selected him to head the canton in Estuaire Province. After being accused of complicity with regards to the murder of a woman near Libreville, he was sentenced in 1931 to three years in prison and 10 years in exile. While in exile in Oubangui - Chari, he published works documenting tribal customary law of the Fang people. He was employed by local administrators, and received praise from his superiors for his work. He remained a persona non grata to Gabon until the French colonial administration finally allowed M'ba to return to his native country in 1946.

In 1946, he began his political ascent, being appointed prime minister on 21 May 1957. He served at this post until 21 February 1961. In 1958, he directed an initiative to include Gabon in the Franco - African community further than before. He became president upon independence from France on 17 August 1960. Political nemesis Jean - Hilaire Aubame briefly assumed the office of president by way of a coup d'état in February 1964, but order was restored days later when the French intervened. M'ba was reelected in March 1967, but died of cancer in November 1967 and was succeeded by his vice president, Albert - Bernard Bongo.

A member of the Fang ethnic tribe, M'ba was born on 9 February 1902 in Libreville, Gabon. His father, a small business manager and village chief, once worked as the hairdresser to Franco - Italian explorer Pierre Savorgnan de Brazza. His mother, Louise Bendome, was a seamstress. Both were educated and were among the first "evolved couples" in Libreville. M'ba's brother also played an important role in the colonial hierarchy; he was Gabon's first Roman Catholic priest.

In 1909, M'ba joined a seminary to receive his primary education. From 1920, he was employed as a store manager, a lumberjack and trader before entering the French colonial administration as a customs agent. Despite his good job performance, M'ba's activism in helping black Gabonians, particularly for the Fangs, worried his superiors. In September 1922, M'ba wrote to Edmond Cadier, Lieutenant Governor of Gabon:

If on the one hand, the fundamental duty of educating the Fangs is consistent with Gabon's evident economic, military, and even political interests, on the other side, growing in human dignity and the increase of their material well being do stay, Mr. Governor, the first legitimization of the French authority on them.

His remarks upset authorities, and he suffered the consequences in December 1922, when he was sentenced to prison after having committed a minor crime of providing a colleague with falsified documents.

In either 1924 or 1926, M'ba reconciled with colonial authorities and was chosen to succeed the deceased chef de canton (similar to a village chief) of Libreville's Fang neighborhood. As the leader of a group of young Libreville intellectuals, he ignored the advice of elder Fangs and quickly gained a reputation as a strong, confident, and able minded man. He once wrote in a letter that he was "[m]issioned to enforce public order and defend the general interest" and that he did "not accept that people transgress the orders received from the authority that I represent."

M'ba did not have an idealist vision of his job; he saw it as a way to become wealthy. With his colleague Ambamamy, he forced labor on the residents of the canton for his personal use, to cover his large expenditures. The colonial administration was aware of the embezzlement, but they chose to overlook it. However, beginning in 1929, the colonial administration started to investigate his activities after they intercepted one of his letters to a Kouyaté, secretary for the Ligue des droits de l'homme, who was accused of being an ally of the Comintern. Despite this suspected Communist alliance, the French authorities did not oppose M'ba's appointment as head chief of the Estuaire Province by his colleagues.

In those years, M'ba, a member of the Ligue, distanced himself from Roman Catholicism, but did not break completely with his faith. He instead became a follower of the Bwiti religious sect, which Fangs were particularly receptive to. He believed this would help revitalize a society which was damaged by the colonial administration. In 1931, the sect was accused of murdering a woman whose remains were discovered outside a market in Libreville. Accused of complicity, even though his involvement in the crime was not proven, M'ba was removed from power and sentenced to three years in prison and ten years of exile. Officially this was for embezzlement of tax revenues and his abusive treatment of the local labor force.

While exiled in the French territory of Oubangui - Chari, first in the towns of Bambari and then Bria, he continued to exert influence among Fangs via correspondence with his compatriots in Libreville. Worried by the situation, Governor General Antonetti ordered in 1934, at the end of his prison sentence, that M'ba be placed under surveillance.

During his years in exile, he wrote about the customary rights of the Fang people in the "Essai de droit coutumier pahouin" (English: Essay of Pahouin customary rights) and published it in Bulletin de la société des recherches congolaises in 1938. This work quickly became the main reference on Fang tribal customary law. By 1939, the native ex-chief remained a persona non grata to Gabon, as stated in the letter from the head of the Estuarie Department, Assier de Pompignan:

For Léon M'Ba not only was the leader who had claimed for personal use the colony's money. He enjoyed also a considerable amount of prestige, as his congeners could see, which he got from witchcraft activities he practiced. As he was intelligent, he exploited this situation to extort the people he had to administrate also the cabal which he had formed. But on the other hand, he knew how to flatter the representatives of the authority, beguiling their vigilance and gaining their confidence. That is why he had, years before, committed all kinds of abuses without ever being otherwise worried about it.

In spite of being in exile, M'ba was employed by local administrators. Placed in secondary offices and having no proper power, he was an accomplished and valuable employee. Thanks to praiseworthy reports from his superiors, he was once again seen as a reliable indigenous element on which the colonial administration could rely on. In 1942, a sentence reduction was granted to him. Following his release, he became a civil servant in Brazzaville, where his prestige increased.

In 1946, M'ba returned to Gabon, where he was greeted exultantly by his friends. He was not reinstated as chef de canton; instead, he obtained an important position as store manager for the English trading house John Holt. That same year, he founded the Comité Mixte Gabonais (English: Gabonese Mixed Committee; CMG), a political party close to the African Democratic Rally (RDA), an inter - African party led by Félix Houphouët - Boigny. The party's main objective was to obtain autonomy for its member states and oppose the Senegalese leader Léopold Sédar Senghor's idea of federalism. Playing on his past as a former exile, and through the network of Bwiti followers, M'ba managed to rally support from the Fang and Myènè peoples. His goal was to win indigenous administrative and judicial posts.

Based on his success in Libreville, M'ba aspired, at one point, to become the head of the region, an idea which many notable Fangs supported during the Pahouin congress at Mitzic in February 1947. However, the colonial authorities refused to give him the position. Due to his relations with the RDA, which was linked to the French Communist Party, M'Ba was seen as a communist and propagandist in the colony; for the authorities, these suspicions had been confirmed when M'ba was involved in the 1949 RDA congress in Abidjan.

In 1951, the CMG decided to break its ties with the Communists, siding with the moderate position favored by Houphouët - Boigny while he did the same. At the same time M'ba, while maintaining his "rebellious" image to the electorate, became close with the French administration. However, the administration was already supporting his main opponent, Congressman Jean - Hilaire Aubame, who was M'ba's protégé and his half brother's foster son. In the legislative elections of 17 June 1951, Aubame was easily re-elected, as M'ba only received 3,257 votes, just 11% of the electorate. In the territorial elections of March 1952, Aubame's l'Union démocratique et sociale gabonaise (UDSG; English: Gabonese Social and Democratic Union) won 14 of the 24 contested seats, against two for the CMG; however, the CMG received 57% of the votes cast in Libreville.

Initially rejected by the Territorial Assembly, M'ba allied himself with French representatives in the assembly. However, using his charismatic traits and his reputation as a "man of the people", he managed to win a seat there in 1952.

He left the CMG to join the Gabonese Democratic Bloc (BDG) led by Paul Gondjout in 1954, whom M'ba intended to overthrow. Gondjout, the secretary of the BDG, appointed M'ba secretary general and formed a long term alliance against Aubame. In the legislative elections of 2 January 1956, M'ba received 36% of the votes versus 47% for Aubame. Though not elected, M'ba became the leader of the indigenous territory, and some of the UDSG began to ally themselves with him.

In the municipal elections of 1956, M'ba received support from the French logging industry, especially Roland Bru, and was elected mayor of Libreville with 65.5% of the vote. On 23 November he was appointed the first mayor of the capital. This has been cited as the BDG's first significant victory over the UDSG. In the French practice of holding multiple posts known as cumul des positions, M'ba served as both mayor and deputy.

In the territorial elections of March 1957, his reputation as a "forester's man" worked against him; the BDG finished second again, winning 16 of the 40 contested seats, against 18 for the UDSG. Bru and other French foresters bribed several UDSG deputies to switch their political party to the BDG. M'ba's party won 21 seats against 19 for Aubame's party after a recount. However, in the absence of an absolute majority, both parties were obliged to submit on 21 May 1957, a list of individuals that both agreed were suitable for election into the government. That same day, M'ba was appointed vice president of the government council under the French governor. Soon, divisions grew within the government, and Aubame resigned from his position and filed a motion of censure against the government. The motion was rejected by a 21 – 19 vote. With M'ba's victory, many elected UDSG members joined the parliamentary majority, giving the party a majority with 29 of the 40 legislative seats. Well installed in the government, he slowly began to reinforce his power.

After voting in favor of the Franco - African Community, similar to the British Commonwealth, in the constitutional referendum of 28 September 1958, Gabon became pseudo - politically independent. French journalist Pierre Péan asserted that M'ba secretly tried to prevent Gabonese independence; instead, he lobbied for it to become an overseas territory of France. In December 1958, the Assembly voted to establish the legislature, and then promulgated the constitution of the Republic of Gabon on 19 February 1959. On 27 February, M'ba was appointed Prime Minister. After M'ba openly declared for the departmentalization of Gabon in November 1959, Jacques Foccart, Charles de Gaulle's spin doctor for African policy, told him that this solution was unthinkable. M'ba then decided to adopt a new flag by affixing the design of the national tree, the Angouma, over the French flag. Again, Foccart, as a loyal Frenchman, refused.

From July 1958, a third political force tried to establish itself in Gabon: the Parti d'Union Nationale Gabonais (PUNGA), led by René - Paul Sousatte and Jean - Jacques Boucavel, was created as an attempt to unite the southern Gabonese against the established BDG and UDSG. It was also supported by former UDSG members, "radical" students, and trade unionists. Though it voted against the constitutional referendum, PUNGA organised several events geared toward gaining independence and the holding of more parliamentary elections, which were also supported by the UDSG. In March 1960, after independence had already been obtained, M'ba cracked down on PUNGA, claiming its goal had already been reached. He filed an arrest warrant for Sousatte for conspiring against him and searched the houses of UDSG members, who he accused of complicity. Intimidated, three deputies of the UDSG joined the majority.

On 19 June 1960, legislative elections were organised through the scrutin de liste voting system, a form of bloc voting in which each party offers a list of candidates who the population voted for; the list that obtained a majority of votes was declared the winner and obtained all the contested seats. Through the redistricting of district and constituency boundaries, the BDG arbitrarily received 244 seats, while the UDSG received 77. In the month before full political independence of Gabon was achieved on 13 August, M'ba signed 15 cooperation agreements with France, pertaining to national defense, technical cooperation, economic support, access to materials, and national stability. On 17 August, independence was proclaimed. However, the Prime Minister realistically declared on 12 August, "We must not waste our chances by imagining that with independence, we now own a powerful fetish that will fulfill our wishes. In believing that with independence everything becomes easy and possible, there is a danger of descending into anarchy, disorder, poverty, famine."

M'ba aspired to establish a democratic regime, which, in his view, was necessary for the development and attraction of investment in Gabon. He attempted to reconcile the imperatives of democracy and the necessity for a strong and coherent government. Yet in practice, the regime showed a fundamental weakness in attaining M'ba's goal in which he, who had by this time become known as "the old man", or "the boss", would have a high degree of authority. A cult of personality developed steadily around M'ba; songs were sung in his praise and stamps and loincloths were printed with his effigy. His photograph was displayed in stores and hotels across Gabon, in government buildings hung next to that of de Gaulle.

In November 1960, a crisis broke out within the majority party. After deciding to reshuffle the cabinet without consulting Parliament, the president of the National Assembly, Paul Gondjout, a previous ally of M'ba's, filed a motion of censure. Gondjout supposedly hoped to benefit from a balance of power modified to his own advantage, and specifically sought the establishment of a strong parliament and a prime minister with executive power. M'ba, who did not share these ideas, reacted repressively. On 16 November, under the pretext of a conspiracy, he declared a state of emergency, ordering the internment of eight BDG opponents and the dissolution of the National Assembly the day after. Electors were asked to vote again on 12 February 1961. Gondjout was sentenced to two years in prison. Sousatte, who also opposed the constitution, was also sentenced to the same amount of jail time. Upon their releases, M'ba appointed Gondjout president of the economic council and Sousatte Minister of Agriculture, both mostly symbolic posts.

On 4 December, M'ba was elected to replace Gondjout as Secretary General of the BDG. He turned to the opposition to strengthen his position. With Aubame, he formed a number of sufficiently balanced political unions to appeal to the electorate. On 12 February, they won 99.75% of the vote. The same day, M'ba was elected President of Gabon, being the only candidate. In thanks for his help, M'ba appointed Aubame as foreign minister to replace André Gustave Anguilé.

On 21 February 1961, a new constitution was unanimously adopted, providing for a "hyper - presidential" regime. M'ba now had full executive powers: he could appoint ministers whose functions and responsibilities were decided by him; he could dissolve the National Assembly by choice or prolong its term beyond the normal five years; he could declare a state of emergency when he believed the need arose, though for this amendment he would have to consult the people via a referendum. This was, in fact, very similar to the constitution adopted in favor of Fulbert Youlou at roughly the same time. A report from the French secret service summarized the situation as follows:

He regarded himself as a truly democratic leader; nothing irritated him more than being called a dictator. Still, he wasn't happy until he had the constitution rewritten to give him virtually all power and transforming the parliament into high priced scenery that could be bypassed as needed.

The new constitution and the National Union (a political union they founded) suspended the quarrels between M'ba and Aubame from 1961 to 1963. Despite this, political unrest grew within the population, and many students held demonstrations on the frequent dissolutions of the National Assembly and the general political attitude in the country. The president did not hesitate to enforce the law himself; with achicotte, he whipped citizens who did not show respect for him, including passersby who "forgot" to salute him. In addition, in February 1961, he decreed the internment of approximately 20 people for these demonstrations.

On 9 February 1963, the President pardoned those arrested during the political crisis of November 1960. On 19 February, he broke his ties with Aubame; all UDSG representatives were dismissed, with the exception of M'ba supporter Francis Meye. In an attempt to oust Aubame from his legislative seat, M'ba appointed him President of the Supreme Court on 25 February. Thereafter, M'ba claimed that Aubame had resigned from the National Assembly, citing incompatibility with parliamentary functions. Aubame resolved the problem by resigning from his post on the Supreme Court, complicating matters for M'ba. Faced with reports of tension between the government and the National Assembly, even though 70% of it were BDG members, the Gabonese president dissolved the legislature on 21 January 1964 as an "economy measure".

The electoral conditions were announced as such: The election 67 districts were reduced to 47. M'ba disqualified Aubame by announcing anyone who held a post recently was banned. Any party would have to submit 47 candidates who had to pay US$ 160 or none at all. Thus, over US$ 7,500 would be deposited without considering campaign expenses. M'ba's idea was that no party other than his would have the money to enter candidates. In response to this, the opposition announced its refusal to participate in elections that they did not consider fair.

From the night of 17 February to the early morning of 18 February 1964, 150 Gabonese military personnel, headed by Lieutenant Jacques Mombo and Valére Essone, arrested President of the National Assembly Louis Bigmann, French commanders Claude Haulin and Major Royer. On Radio Libreville, the military announced to the Gabonese people that a coup d'état had taken place, and that they required technical assistance and warned the French not to interfere in this matter. M'ba was instructed to broadcast a speech acknowledging his defeat. "The D-Day is here, the injustices are beyond measure, these people are patient, but their patience has limits", he said. "It came to a boil."

During these events, no gunshots were fired. The people did not react strongly, which according to the military, was a sign of approval. A provisional government was formed, and the presidency was offered to Aubame. The government was composed of civilian politicians from both the UDSG and BDG, such as Paul Gondjout. The plotters were content to ensure security for civilians. The small Gabonese army did not intervene in the coup; composed mostly of French officers, they remained in their barracks.

Second Lieutenant Ndo Edou gave instructions to transfer M'ba to Ndjolé, Aubame's electoral stronghold. However, due to heavy rain, the deposed president and his captors took shelter in an unknown village. The next morning they decided to take him over the easier road to Lambaréné. Several hours later, they returned to Libreville. The new head of government quickly contacted French ambassador Paul Cousseran, to assure him that the property of foreign nationals was protected and to ask him to prevent any French military intervention.

But in Paris, de Gaulle decided otherwise. M'ba was one of the most loyal allies to France in Africa. While visiting France in 1961, M'ba said: "All Gabonese have two fatherlands: France and Gabon." Moreover, under his regime, Europeans enjoyed particularly friendly treatment. The French authorities therefore decided, in accordance with signed Franco - Gabon agreements, to restore the legitimate government. Intervention could not commence without a formal request to the Head of State of Gabon. Since M'ba was otherwise occupied, the French contacted the Vice President of Gabon, Paul Marie Yembit, who had not been arrested. However, he remained unaccounted for; therefore, they decided to compose a predated letter that Yembit would later sign, confirming their intervention. Less than 24 hours later, French troops stationed in Dakar and Brazzaville landed in Libreville and restored M'ba back into power. Over the course of the operation, one French soldier was killed, while 15 to 25 died on the Gabonese side.

After being reinstated into power, M'ba refused to consider that the coup was directed against him and his regime. He believed that it was a conspiracy against the state. Soon, however, anti - government demonstrations began to take place, with slogans such as "Léon M'ba, président des Français!" (English: "Léon M'ba, president of the French") or ones that called for the end of the "dictatorship". They showed solidarity after Aubame was charged on 23 March for his alleged involvement in the coup d'état. Despite the fact that he did not participate in the planning of the coup, Aubame was sentenced at his trial to 10 years of hard labor and 10 years of exile.

Despite these events, legislative elections, which were planned before the coup, were held in April 1964. The major opposition parties were deprived of their leaders, who were prevented from participating in the elections due to their involvement in the coup. The UDSG disappeared from the political scene, and the opposition consisted of parties that lacked national focus and maintained only regional or pro - democracy platforms. The opposition still won 46% of the votes and 16 of 47 seats, while the BDG received 54% of the vote and 31 seats in the assembly.

His French friends constantly surrounded him, protecting or providing him with counsel. A presidential guard was created by Bob Maloubier, a former French secret agent, and co-financed by French oil groups. The oil groups, active in the country since 1957, had strengthened their interests in 1962 after the discovery of offshore oil deposits. Gabon quickly became a major oil supplier for France. They carried such influence in Gabon that following the February 1964 coup, the decision to seek military intervention was taken by the CEO of Union Générale des Pétroles (UGP; now known as Elf Aquitaine), Pierre Guillaumat, Foccart, and other French businessmen and leaders. Later on, another UGP executive, Guy Ponsaillé, was appointed as political adviser to the president and became M'ba's representative in discussions with French companies. However, the Gabonese president was afraid of internal strife or assassination, so he remained secluded inside his heavily defended presidential palace. Ponsaillé helped M'ba obtain support from political moderates and accompanied him in his visits around the country in order to restore his reputation among the Gabonese people.

French ambassador Cousseran and American ambassador Charles F. Darlington, suspected of sympathizing with Aubame, left shortly after the coup. The new French ambassador François Simon de Quirielle, a "traditional diplomat", was determined not to interfere in the internal affairs of Gabon. After a few months of misunderstandings with de Quirielle, M'ba contacted Foccart to tell him that he could no longer work with the Ambassador. Foccart recounted the events in his memoirs, Foccart Speaks:

Do you realise, exploded the Gabonese President, I'm receiving de Quirielle to summarize the situation with him. I'm asking him his thoughts about this or that [Gabonese] minister, about this or that in the agenda [in Gabon's political interior]. And guess what his answer was? Mister President, I'm really sorry, but the duties I hold forbid me from intervening in the affairs of your country.

As a result of this incident, Foccart appointed a "colonialist", Maurice Delauney, as the new French Ambassador to Gabon.

From 1965, the French began looking for a successor for M'ba, who was aging and sick. They found the perfect candidate in Albert Bernard Bongo, a young leader in the President's cabinet. Bongo was personally "tested" by General de Gaulle in 1965, during a visit to the Élysée Palace. Confirmed as M'ba's successor, Bongo was appointed on 24 September 1965 as Presidential Representative and placed in charge of defense and coordination.

In August 1966, M'ba was admitted to the Hôpital Charles Bernard, a hospital in Paris. Despite his inability to govern, the president clung to his power. Only after a long insistence by Foccart did M'ba agree to appoint Bongo as Vice President in replacement of Yembit, announcing his decision through a radio and television message recorded in his room on 14 November 1966. A constitutional reform in February 1967 legitimized Bongo as M'ba's successor. The preparations for the succession were finalized by the early legislative and presidential elections held on 19 March 1967. Since no one dared to stand on the opposition ticket, M'ba was reelected with 99.9% of the vote, while the BDG won all seats in the Assembly.

On 27 November 1967, just days after he took his presidential oath at the Gabonese embassy, M'ba died from cancer in Paris, where he had been hospitalized since August of that year. He is survived by his wife, Pauline M'ba, and 11 children. The day after M'ba's death, Bongo constitutionally succeeded him as President of Gabon. Gabon's main airport, the Leon M'ba International Airport, was later named for him.

Forty years after his death, the Léon M'ba Memorial was built in Libreville to honor his memory. President Bongo laid the cornerstone for the Memorial on 9 February 2007, and it was inaugurated by Bongo on 27 November 2007. In February 2008, it was opened to the public. In addition to serving as a mausoleum for M'ba,  the Memorial is a cultural center.