Young Manuel was born in the last year of the reign of his grandfather, King Luís I; he was the third child, and last son, born to Carlos I of Portugal and Amélie of Orleans in the Palace of Belém, Lisbon, seven months before his father ascended the Portuguese throne. He was baptized a few days later, with his maternal grandfather as godfather, while former Emperor Pedro II of Brazil attended, recently having abdicated the throne of Brazil.

He received the traditional education bestowed on a member of the monarchy, without the political preoccupations that befell his older brother, who was destined by birth to become King. Although he was raised as member of the upper classes, it is known that after ascending the throne he took a more public tone, and abandoned many of the customary protocols of the monarchy. At the age of six, he already spoke and wrote in French, as well as studying languages, history and music (under his teacher Alexandre Rey Colaço). From the beginning he demonstrated an inclination to literature and reading, which contrasted with his older brother, who was more interested in physical activities. In the style imposed by his great - grandparents (Queen Maria II and King Fernando II), Manuel received a proper education that included horse riding, fencing, rowing, tennis and gardening. He was a great admirer of music, listened to Beethoven and Wagner, and played the piano.

As a youngster, the Infante would play with the children of Count of Figueiró, the children of Count of Galveias and with the rest of the families of the Court in pleasant and cordial relations. In 1902, he was taught by Franz Kerausch (in literature, Latin and German), later by Father João Damasceno Fiadeiro (in Portuguese history); Marques Leitão (in Mathematics); M. Boeyé (in French and French literature); Alfredo King (in English and English literature), Father Domingos Fructuoso (in Religion and Morals) and Alexandre Rey Colaço (his piano teacher).

He traveled in 1903 with his mother, Queen Amélie of Orleans and his brother to Egypt, on-board the royal yacht Amélia, expanding his understanding of ancient civilizations. Later in 1907, he began his studies in order to enter the Portuguese Naval Academy, in preparation to follow a career in the Navy.

His future career in the Navy was abruptly shelved on February 1, 1908. On this day, the royal family returned from the palace of Vila Viçosa to Lisbon, traveling by coach to Barreiro and from there took a boat across the Tagus River and disembarked in Cais do Sodré, in central Lisbon. On their way to the royal palace, the carriage carrying King Carlos and his family passed through the Terreiro do Paço. While the royal family was crossing the square, shots were fired from the crowd by at least two men: Alfredo Costa and Manuel Buiça. It wasn't clear if the assassins were attempting to kill the King and Crown Prince, or King Carlos' prime minister, João Franco, who had dissolved Parliament and was ruling as a dictator. The murderers were shot on the spot by members of the royal bodyguard and later recognized as members of the Portuguese Republican Party. The King was killed; his heir, Crown Prince Luís Filipe, Prince Royal of Portugal was mortally wounded; Infante Manuel was hit in the arm and Queen Amélie of Orleans was miraculously unharmed. It was Amélie's quick thinking that saved her youngest son. About twenty minutes later, Prince Luis Filipe died, and days later Manuel was acclaimed King of Portugal. The young King, who had not been groomed to rule, sought to save the fragile position of the Braganza monarchy by dismissing the dictator João Franco and his entire cabinet in 1908. The ambitions of the various political parties made Manuel's short reign a turbulent one. But, even so, in free elections held on 28 August 1910, the republicans only won 14 seats in the legislature.

His first act was to meet with his Council of State, and request the resignation of João Franco, whose politics may have been responsible for the tragedy. He immediately appointed a government of national unity, presided by Admiral Francisco Joaquim Ferreira do Amaral. This quieted the republican momentum, but in retrospect was seen as weakness by the same republicans.

He solemnly opened the Royal Court Assembly on 6 May 1908 in the presence of national representatives, and invoked his support of the constitution: he would continue to remain faithful to the constitution, even in exile, when he was pressured to support other forms of government as part of a possible restoration. The King received general sympathy from the public, owing to the deaths of his father and older brother, and his ascendancy to the throne under these tragic circumstances. Consequently, he was always protected by his mother, D. Amélia, and sought out the support of the experienced politician José Luciano de Castro. Judging that the direct intervention of King Carlos was a principal reason for the events of 1908, he declared that he would reign, but not govern.

For his part, the new King regularly attempted to increase the monarchy's connection with its subjects. The King visited several areas of the country: on the 8 November 1908 King Manuel traveled to Porto accompanied by his mother and other members of the Cortes. His trips also included stops in Braga, Viana do Castelo, Oliveira de Azeméis, Santo Tirso, Vila Nova de Gaia, Aveiro, Guimarães, Coimbra and Barcelos. During these visits his subjects were captivated by the young monarch, and the circumstances of his enthronement, and was received with sympathy. On 23 November he traveled to Espinho in order to attend the inauguration of the Vale do Vouga Railway, and seized the opportunity to visit the Royal Factory of Canned Food, Brandão Gomes Inc. Between 8 November and 4 December he had visited several populations, received various requests and was admired for his candor and pious character.

The warm welcome he received during his visits were countered by republicans. One republican, João Chagas, the anti - monarchist journalist and propagandist of the Republican Party, warned the King of the problems that would develop when he declared:

"... your Highness arrives too young into a very old world...!"

During the 19th Century, many intellectuals and politicians were preoccupied with the growth of the urban proletariat as a consequence of the Industrial Revolution. In Portugal, owing to lower levels of industrialization, this was not an important question, but it was exacerbated by an economic crisis and the interventions of the Republican Party, who believed a Republic would resolve the problems. The reaction taken to analyze and find solutions to this phenomenon was the Questão Social (English:  Social Question) of the times.

The Socialist Party was one of the main proponents, and had existed since 1875, but it never had representation in Parliament. This was not only because it was not popular, but also because the Republican Party was the principal body to channel radical discontent within the political system. The King had taken some initiatives that did not necessarily infringe his constitutional limitations, but which provided incentives for the Socialist Party to retract or diminish its support for the Republican Party. In 1909, D. Manuel invited the French sociologist, Léon Poinsard, to travel the country, examine the social environment, and report back to him. In his document, Léon advised that the only way to combat clientelism, created by the system of rotational governments, would be a reorganization of the work and duties of the local administrations. Enthusiastic, the King wrote, on June 1909, to the President of the Council of Ministers (the Prime Minister) Wenceslau de Sousa Pereira de Lima, to make him aware of the reorganization of the Socialist Party (under Alfredo Aquiles Monteverde) and to remind him of the importance of collaborating with the Socialists, "... so that, we will empty their supporters from the Republican Party, and orient them into a useful and productive force." Notwithstanding the contacts made by the government of Artur Alberto de Campos Henriques with the Socialist Azedo Gneco, Venceslau de Lima considered this difficult after the Congresso Nacional Operário, which was boycotted by anarchists and republicans. For their part, the Socialists were enthusiastic about the Royal rapport between D. Manuel and Aquiles Monteverde. Monteverde would later inform the King of the failure of the October 1909 trade union congress, but little was formalized between the socialists and the government, although they supported the work of Poinsard. During the government of António Teixeira de Sousa, in July 1910, the government created a commission to study the establishment of an Instituto de Trabalho Nacional (English: Institute of National Work), that had three socialists and included Azedo Gneco. However, Aquiles Monteverde would complain that the commission lacked the resources to be effective: specifically that permanent members and unlimited transport, in order for the Socialists to promote their propaganda. Manuel II informed the government, through the Minister of Public Works, that he agreed with the establishment of the Instituto de Trabalho Nacional, but by September, it was too late for the constitutional monarchy.

During his reign he visited many parts of northern Portugal, in addition to Spain, France and the United Kingdom, where he was appointed Knight of the Order of the Garter, in November 1909. He cultivated a foreign policy that was close to Great Britain, which was not only the geo - political strategy that his father maintained, but it also reinforced his position on the throne by having a strong ally. The court also considered the marriage of a King of the House of Braganza to an English princess would secure the protection by the United Kingdom in any impending conflict. But, the country's instability, the assassination of the King and Crown Prince, and the drawn-out negotiations that were ended with the death of Edward VII, ended these pretensions. The old British monarch, personal friend of D. Carlos, would have been the great protector of the House of Braganza, and without him, the liberal government of Britain had no interest in maintaining the monarchy in Portugal. He also received King Alfonso XIII of Spain in 1909, and Hermes da Fonseca, President elect of Brazil in 1910.

The stability of the government deteriorated; seven governments were established and fell in a period of 24 months. The monarchist parties continued to fragment, while the Republican Party continued to gain ground. The legislative elections on August 28, 1910 had elected 14 new representatives (resulting in an assembly that was divided: 9% Republican, 58% Government and 33% Opposition) which helped the revolutionary cause, but which made little difference since the Setubal Congress (on 24 – 25 April 1909) had determined that the Republicans would take power by force. The murder of a prominent republican precipitated the coup d'etat that had been so long in coming.

Between 4 – 5 October 1910, the Republican Revolution erupted in the streets of Lisbon. What started as a military coup commenced by soldiers, was joined by some civilians and municipal guards attacking the loyal garrisons and the royal palace, while the guns from a warship added to the cannonade. The Palace of Necessidades (then official residence of the young King) was bombarded, forcing D. Manuel to move to the Mafra National Palace, where he rendezvoused with his mother, Queen D. Amélia and his grandmother, the Queen Mother Maria Pia of Savoy. Strangely, popular reaction to the events did not materialize: pictures from the square in front of the City Hall in Lisbon (where the declaration of the Republic occurred) did not show an overwhelming multitude, and even some in the military were fearful that their actions would not be successful. One day later, once it was clear that the Republicans had taken the country, D. Manuel II decided to embark from Ericeira on the royal yacht Amélia IV for Porto. It is unclear whether officials of the monarchy motivated D. Manuel to change his intentions, or whether he was forced to change his destination en route: the Royal Family disembarked in Gibraltar shortly later, after they received notice that Porto had fallen to the Republicans. The coup d'etat was complete, and the Royal Family departed for exile, arriving in England, where they were received by King George V.

During a visit to Paris in July 1909, the monarch met Gaby Deslys, an actress, and immediately began a relationship that would last until the end of Manuel II's reign. It was thought that after this first meeting the King sent Deslys a pearl necklace worth $70,000: more gifts soon followed, including a diamond necklace with black and white pearl drops set in a platinum band. Their relationship was anything but discreet (she would arrive before night at the Palácio das Necessidades and would pass through Portugal unnoticed); abroad, meanwhile, they were on the front pages of newspapers in Europe and North America, especially after he was deposed. In public interviews, usually on trips, Gaby Deslys never negated the obvious, but always refused to comment on her relationship with the King. After his exile, they would continue to meet, especially while she had stage engagements in London. When Gaby moved to New York, in the summer of 1911, their relationship cooled off; Gaby became involved with a fellow stage actor, and Manuel married in 1913 (although the actress would maintain her contacts with the ex-King's personal secretary, the Marquês do Lavradio.

In the spring of 1912, Manuel visited Switzerland, where he met Princess Agusta Victoria (his cousin) and was deeply impressed by her. In the following year, on September 4, 1913, D. Manuel married D. Augusta Vitória, Princess of  Hohenzollern - Sigmaringen (1890 – 1966), his cousin (she was the grand - daughter of the Infanta D. Antónia de Bragança), and daughter of Prince William, Prince of Hohenzollern. During the mass, which was celebrated in the Chapel of Sigmaringen Castle, D. Manuel, while wearing his Order of the Garter medallion and the sash of the Three Portuguese Orders, stood on a crate containing soil imported from Portugal. The ceremony was presided by D. José Neto, Cardinal of Lisbon, then exiled in Seville, who had baptized the Prince Royal and assisted the Prince of Wales (Edward VIII) and King Afonso XIII of Spain, as well as representatives of the Royal Houses of Europe (including Spain, Germany, Italy, France and Romania, in addition to the principalities and German kingdoms). After festivities which lasted two days, the couple went on their honeymoon to Munich, where the Princess fell ill and withdrew from the public. The marriage, a calm and serene union, lasted until the death of the former King, but the couple did not have any children.

In exile, D. Manuel remained in his residence in Fulwell Park, Twickenham, near London and his English properties (where his mother had been born). At Fulwell Park he tried to recreate a Portuguese environment, as the attempts to restore his throne (1911, 1912 and 1919) kept on failing. He remained active in the local community, attended services at the Catholic Church of St. James, and became godfather to several children. His influence in the area is recalled by a number of toponymic references: Manuel Road, Lisbon Avenue and Portugal Gardens. He followed political events of Portugal, while in the circle of familiars, such as local monarchist associations, and showed concern about the anarchy of the First Republic, fearing that it could provoke a Spanish intervention and risk the country's independence. Although considered exaggerated, this concern was not without foundation.

While in exile, there was one case where the former King's direct intervention had an effect. After the overthrow of the government of Gomes da Costa, by General Óscar Fragoso Carmona, Costa was appointed Ambassador to London. Due to the continued instability and rapid succession of ambassadors during this period, the British government refused to recognize the new official's credentials. As the ambassador was to negotiate the liquidation of the Portuguese debt to England, which was of great importance, the Minister of Foreign Affairs asked D. Manuel II to exercise his influence to clarify the situation. The former monarch was charmed by the opportunity to help his homeland and communicated with many of his English contacts (including, probably, King George V) in order to resolve the dispute. Even in exile D. Manuel continued to be a patriot, going as far as declaring in his 1915 testament his intention to transfer his possessions to the Portuguese State, for the creation of a Museum and showing his interest in being buried in Portugal.

Since 1911, the Portuguese monarchists - in - exile concentrated in Galicia, Spain, in order to enter Portugal and restore the monarchy but without the tacit approval of the Spanish government and led by the charismatic Henrique Mitchell de Paiva Couceiro (a veteran of the African colonial campaigns). The Paladin, as the Portuguese newspapers referred to him, believed that demonstrating a show of force would force the rural people to rise-up and support the restoration. But, he was wrong; poorly prepared and badly financed, his forces encountered apathy from the rural population and the incursions ended with retreats into Galicia.

For his part, D. Manuel supported these incursions the best way he could, but his financial resources were limited. He also faced a group of monarchists who were not clear supporters of his claim to the throne: one attack was made under a blue and white flag, but without the crown, while Paiva Couceiro himself declared at one time that his movement was "neutral" and wanted a plebiscite on the form of the new regime. It was only after he corresponded with Couceiro that the former monarch was able to support the Galician monarchists, who had promised to support the 1826 Constitution. The second incursion, in 1912, although better prepared did not succeed, due to the Spanish government, which was forced to cede to Republican diplomats the illegality of monarchist encampments in Galicia and disarmed the remaining combatants within its territory. D. Manuel was never able to restore his Kingdom by force and always believed that the monarchists should organize internally in order to reach power legally (by elections). This was not accepted by militant monarchists who, in the following years, continued their badly prepared attempts to restore the monarchy (for example on October 20, 1914), creating anarchy in the streets. His preoccupation worsened at the beginning of the Great War: D. Manuel was fearful that England would ally with Spain, in light of Portugal's instability, and that Spain would want to annex Portugal, as the price for Spain's entry into the War.

After the failure of the first monarchist incursion, and what appeared D. Manuel's apparent disinterest in restoring the monarchy (and his abandonment of armed counter revolution), another group of royalists attempted to legitimize the claims of the descendants of the pretender D. Miguel to the throne. D. Miguel's line had been excluded from the line of succession, owing to D. Miguel's usurpation of the throne and subsequent civil war. In order to counter this, the ex-monarch entered into direct negotiations with D. Miguel's representatives: he attempted to fix himself as rightful King and re-recognize the descendants of D. Miguel as secondary heirs to the throne of Portugal, thereby reestablishing their rights and Portuguese citizenship. In fact, there was an encounter between D. Manuel II and D. Miguel II, in Dover, England, on January 30, 1912, where both exchanged protocols. The results of this meeting remain controversial: although there was an accord on challenging the republic, there remained no clear agreement on hereditary lines of succession, and D. Manuel still retained his right to the throne. A secondary Paris Pact was attempted but failed.

Being an Anglophile and admirer of the British spirit, D. Manuel defended the entry of Portugal in the First World War, and its active participation, as well as requesting that monarchists desist from restoration conflicts as long as the War continued. He even met with republicans, and at one time, solicited his involvement in the Portuguese army. But, contrary to his hopes, a majority of the monarchists did not follow his pleas for cooperation, many of whom backed the aspirations of Germany, and who had hoped to see the victory of the Kaiser, as another channel to restore the monarchy. The King believed that supporting Great Britain would guarantee the existence of overseas colonies, which would have been lost to German aggression even if the Germans were supported in the conflict. Of his close subordinates who offered their support to the Republic, none was accepted.

D. Manuel attempted to make himself available to the Allies, wherever they saw fit, but was disappointed when he was assigned a post in the British Red Cross. He, characteristically, put all his efforts into the role, participating in conferences, fund drives, visits to hospitals and the wounded soldiers at the front, which ultimately gave him a lot of gratification. The visits to the front were difficult for the French government, but his friendship with George V, was sufficient enough to alleviate the French concerns. Regardless, most of his efforts were not credited; years later, in an interview to António Ferro, he lamented, "The operating room in the Portuguese Hospital in Paris, during the War, was constructed by me. Do you know what they put on the plaque? 'From a Portuguese in London'." The former monarch was also responsible for the creation of the Orthopedic Department at Shepards Bush Hospital which, at his insistence continued to function until 1925, in order to continue to treat the disfiguring effects of the war. A proof of his recognition by the English was by his friend George V, who invited him to be with the King during the victory celebrations during the parade of soldiers in 1919.

Some monarchists continued, unsuccessfully, counter revolutionary activities during the War, while the former King continued to condemn their actions and to exhort them to restore the monarchy at the ballot box. This option seemed viable after the dictatorship of General Pimenta de Castro (January 1915) broke the momentum of the Democratic Party, who attempted to garner support from the conservative right, by removing restrictions imposed on monarchist groups on October 5. Between April and May 1915, 55 monarchist centers opened (33 in the north and 12 in the center of the country), causing many republicans to close ranks and on May 14, 1915 the revolution returned to the streets, when 15000 armed civilians and the soldiers from the Navy tried to maintain the loyalty of the Army to the government. After three days of combat 500 deaths and more than 1000 wounded, the Democratic Party retained control and the monarchist groups were once again declared illegal. During the Sidónio Pais government, Pais cultivated support from conservative factions and incorporated a reestablishment of a regime based on universal masculine suffrage. His assassination allowed moderate republicans to reestablish control, but the creation of military juntas in the provinces of the north, with monarchist tendencies, created expectations of a possible monarchist restoration through a military coup d'etat.

D. Manuel continued to plead for calm at the end of the War; while not abandoning the possibility of taking action in the future, he insisted on waiting to the end of peace negotiations in Paris: he was fearful that continued anarchy in Portugal would adversely prejudice its negotiating position. But, for Paiva Couceiro and the other Integralists, this was the moment: they awaited the royal authorization of the King's adjunct Aires de Ornelas. Receiving a memorandum that requested this authorization, and convinced that this action would not occur immediately, Ornelas wrote on the margin, Go on. Palavras de El-Rei and signed the document. On January 19, 1919 a thousand soldiers and some artillery, under the command of Paiva Couceiro occupied Porto, in order to restore the Constitutional Monarchy, and its King D. Manuel II. A provisional government was established that encompassed Minho, Trás-os-Montes (with the exception of Chaves), Mirandela and Vila Real, as well as part of the district of Aveiro, but contrary to Couceiro's expectations, the rest of the country did not rise.

In Lisbon, Aires de Ornelas was caught completely by surprise, but he could not escape with other monarchists to the safety of the 2nd Regimental Lancers, in Ajuda. There the number of refugees, who suffered republican reprisals increased, and the commander removed his forces and those civilians, marching them to Monsanto, where the 4th, 7th and 9th Cavalry and the 30th Infantry Battery from Belém were entrenched. Aires de Ornelas wavered in his support, which risked the possibility that Integralists would transfer their loyalty to D. Miguel's supporters, or assume the leadership of the monarchist movement. In a small area, and circled by Republican forces, the monarchists surrendered on January 24. With the failure of the Restoration in the center and south of the country, luck turned on Paiva Couceiro. On February 13, a part of the Republican National Guard deserted and restored the Republic in Porto. Those monarchists who did not escape were imprisoned and sentenced to long term imprisonment. The King, in exile, did not hear of the failure and was informed only after reading the reports in the newspapers.

In 1922, with cooling of relations between monarchists, Integralismo Lusitano and the King, and mindful that his marriage to D. Augusta Victória had not produced any heirs, the ex-monarch made overtures to D. Miguel's descendants. In a Paris meeting in April 1922, represented by his adjunct Aires de Ornelas, and Miguelist representatives Aldegundes de Bragança, Duchess of Guimarães D. Aldegundes, Countess of Bardi, and tutor to D. Duarte Nuno, they agreed that owing to an heir, the rights of succession would pass to D. Duarte Nuno. Constitutional monarchists were satisfied with the accord, but integralists were not: the agreement failed to make reference to the reestablishment of a traditional monarchy, which was fundamental to their assertions. Integralismo lusitano withheld their support, and on September 1925, D. Aldegundes in a letter to D. Manuel, repudiated the agreement. This ended the tentative reconciliation between the two branches of the House of Braganza.

D. Manuel was always an avid reader and, during his exile, dedicated himself to study of literature, penning a treatise on Medieval and Renaissance literature in Portugal. Following the First World War and with more free time, apart from his contacts with monarchist organizations, he dedicated himself to these studies (a tradition that was instilled in him by his father). Initially, he was interested in writing a biography, and began research on a biography of Manuel I of Portugal, which he believed was badly treated by other historians. He contracted the services of the bibliographer Maurice Ettinghausen in 1919, to find older books for his project, and was helped by the dissolution of many private collections, after the implementation of the Republic.

By 1926, D. Manuel had abandoned the idea of a biography and concentrated on descriptions of older books in his library (itself, a complete library of older works). More than a simple list, the work allowed Manuel to write of the glories of Portugal, writing not just a bibliography but also an examination of the authors and the context of their writings. His interpretation was scientifically rigorous, and resulted in a final work that was marked by a sense of nationalism and exalted ancestral valor. His examples were limited and illustrated by facsimiled copies of the works, both written in English and Portuguese. The first volume of the work Livros Antigos Portuguezes 1489 - 1600, da Bibliotheca de Sua Magestade Fidelíssima Descriptos por S. M. El-Rey D. Manuel em Três volumes was published in 1929. D. Manuel delivered, by hand, a copy of his work to his friend George V at Windsor Palace. The work was received well by critics, and the former monarch dedicated himself to the second volume, which covered the period 1540 to 1569. But the project was terminated prematurely in 1932, when D. Manuel died unexpectedly: the third volume, under the supervision of his librarian, Margery Winters, was posthumously published. His completed works gave the ex-monarch a respectful reputation by Portuguese historians, and his bust was added to the entrance atrium of the National Library in Lisbon.

He died unexpectedly in his residence on July 2, 1932, suffocating by an abnormal swelling in the vocal folds of his larynx, or tracheal oedema. The Portuguese government, at that time led by António Oliveira de Salazar, authorized his burial in Lisbon, after a state funeral. His body arrived in Lisbon on 2 August 1932, on-board the British cruiser HMS Concord which had made the journey from England and sailed into the Tagus River to deliver the coffin of the former King. The body was received at Praça do Comércio, where a crowd of people had gathered to follow the coffin to São Vicente de Fora and the roads were inundated with people interested in seeing the funeral procession. His body was interned in the Royal Crypt of the Braganza Dynasty in the Monastery of São Vicente de Fora. By some he was given the nickname O Patriota (English: The Patriot), for his preoccupation with the national identity; O Desventurado (English: The Unfortunate), because he lost his throne to the Republic; and O Estudioso or O Bibliófilo (English: The Studious or The Bibliophile) due to his love for Portuguese literature. Monarchists, also referred to him as O Rei - Saudade (English: The Missed King), for the longing that was felt when the monarchy was abolished.

His death has been regarded as suspicious by some because of the fact that he had been playing tennis on 1 July and was apparently in excellent health. An incident surrounding his sudden death was mentioned in the autobiography of Harold Brust, a member of Scotland Yard Special Branch in charge of protecting public figures. In his memoirs, Brust speaks of an incident which probably occurred in 1931 in which he mentions an intruder in the grounds of Fulwell Park who, when arrested, the Police confirmed as being a prominent member of Portuguese republican terrorist group known as the Carbonária and was subsequently deported to Lisbon. To date the identity of the intruder has not been confirmed. Questions remain as to the reason for the man's intrusion.

Since both the Dover and Paris Pacts did not resolve the issue of succession, the lack of a direct heir and owing to the abolition of the monarchy, the Portuguese monarchy ended with Manuel's death. Manuel also made it clear that the branches of the Portuguese monarchy (including the Imperial family of Brazil, the Braganza - Orleans, and the descendants of the Duke of Loulé) ended with the last direct male heir to the House of Braganza. Still, the monarchist Integralismo Lusitano movement acclaimed Duarte Nuno, Duke of Braganza, as King of Portugal, since Miguel I of Portugal, on the death of his grandchild lead the Portuguese Royal Family. Their justification, ironically, included the fact that both branches had met to determine the line of succession in Dover and Paris, even though those accords were both later repudiated.

After his death, Oliveira Salazar founded, with the sale of his London estate for development and from the proceeds of his remaining personal possessions and those of the House of Braganza, the Foundation of the House of Braganza.