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Mozambique, officially the Republic of Mozambique (Portuguese: Moçambique or República de Moçambique), is a country in Southeast Africa bordered by the Indian Ocean to the east, Tanzania to the north, Malawi and Zambia to the northwest, Zimbabwe to the west and Swaziland and South Africa to the southwest. The capital city is Maputo (known as Lourenço Marques before Independence). Between the 1st and 5th centuries AD, Bantu speaking peoples migrated from farther north and west. Swahili, and later also Arab, commercial ports existed along the coasts until the arrival of Europeans. The area was explored by Vasco da Gama in 1498 and colonized by Portugal from 1505. Mozambique became independent in 1975, and became the People's Republic of Mozambique shortly thereafter. It was the scene of an intense civil war lasting from 1977 to 1992. Mozambique is endowed with rich and extensive natural resources. The country's economy is based largely on agriculture, but with industry, mainly food and beverages, chemical manufacturing, aluminum and petroleum production, is growing. The country's tourism sector is also growing. South Africa is Mozambique's main trading partner and source of foreign direct investment. Portugal, Spain and Belgium are also among the country's most important partners. Since 2001, Mozambique's annual average GDP growth has been among the world's top ten. It still has, however, one of the lowest GDP per capita, one of the worst human development index and inequality ratings and one of the world's worst average life expectancies. The only official language of Mozambique is Portuguese, with roughly half of the population speaking it as a second language and few as a first language. Languages widely spoken natively include Swahili, Makhuwa, and Sena. The largest religion in Mozambique is Christianity, with significant Muslim and African traditional religious minorities. Mozambique is a member of the African Union, Commonwealth of Nations, the Community of Portuguese Language Countries, the Latin Union, Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, Southern African Development Community and La Francophonie. The country was named Moçambique by the Portuguese after the Island of Mozambique, derived from Musa Al Big or Mossa Al Bique or Mussa Ben Mbiki, an Arab trader who first visited the island and later lived there. Between
the 1st and 5th centuries AD, waves of Bantu-speaking
people migrated from the west and north through the Zambezi River valley and then
gradually into the plateau and coastal areas. They
established agricultural communities or societies based on
herding cattle. They brought with them the technology for
iron making, a metal which they used to make weapons for
the conquest of their neighbors. Cities in Mozambique
during the Middle Ages (5th to the 16th century) were not
sturdily built, so there is little left of many medieval
cities such as the trading port Sofala. Coastal trade of Mozambique was at first dominated by Arabs and Persians, who had established settlements as far south as Mozambique Island. Swahili, Arab and Persian commercial settlements existed along the coast and outlying islands for several centuries. Several Swahili trade ports dotted the coast of the
country before the arrival of Arabs
which had been trading with Madagascar and the Far East. From about 1500, Portuguese trading posts and forts displaced the Arabic commercial and military hegemony, becoming regular ports of call on the new European sea route to the east. The voyage of Vasco da Gama around the Cape of Good Hope
in 1498 marked the Portuguese entry into trade, politics,
and society of the region. The Portuguese gained control
of the Island of Mozambique and the port city of Sofala in
the early 16th century, and by the 1530s, small groups of
Portuguese traders and prospectors seeking gold penetrated
the interior regions, where they set up garrisons and
trading posts at Sena
and Tete on the Zambezi
River and tried to gain exclusive control over the gold
trade. The Portuguese attempted to legitimize and
consolidate their trade and settlement positions through
the creation of prazos (land grants) tied to
Portuguese settlement and administration. While prazos
were originally developed to be held by Portuguese,
through intermarriage they became African Portuguese or
African Indian centers defended by large African slave
armies known as Chikunda. Historically within
Mozambique there was slavery. Human beings were bought and
sold by African tribal chiefs, Arab traders, and
Portuguese and French traders as well. Many Mozambican
slaves were supplied by tribal chiefs who raided warring
tribes and sold their captives to the prazeiros. Although Portuguese influence gradually expanded, its power was limited and exercised through individual settlers and officials who were granted extensive autonomy. The Portuguese were able to wrest much of the coastal trade from Arabs between 1500 and 1700, but, with the Arab seizure of Portugal's key foothold at Fort Jesus on Mombasa Island (now in Kenya) in 1698, the pendulum began to swing in the other direction. As a result, investment lagged while Lisbon devoted itself to the more lucrative trade with India and the Far East and to the colonization of Brazil. During these wars, the Mazrui and Omani Arabs reclaimed much of the Indian Ocean trade, forcing the Portuguese to retreat south. Many prazos had declined by the mid 19th century, but several of them survived. During the 19th century other European powers, particularly the British (British South Africa Company) and the French (Madagascar), became increasingly involved in the trade and politics of the region around the Portuguese East African territories. By the early 20th century the Portuguese had shifted the administration of much of Mozambique to large private companies, like the Mozambique Company, the Zambezia Company and the Niassa Company, controlled and financed mostly by the British, which established railroad lines to neighboring countries. Although slavery had been legally abolished in Mozambique, at the end of the 19th century the Chartered companies enacted a forced labor policy and supplied cheap — often forced — African labor to the mines and plantations of the nearby British colonies and South Africa. The Zambezia Company, the most profitable chartered company, took over a number of smaller prazeiro holdings, and established military outposts to protect its property. The chartered companies built roads and ports to bring their goods to market including a railroad linking present day Zimbabwe with the Mozambican port of Beira. Due to their
unsatisfactory performance and the shift, under the corporatist Estado Novo
regime of Oliveira Salazar,
towards a stronger Portuguese control of Portuguese empire's economy,
the companies' concessions were not renewed when they ran
out. This was what happened in 1942 with the Mozambique
Company, which however continued to operate in the
agricultural and commercial sectors as a corporation, and
had already happened in 1929 with the termination of the
Niassa Company's concession. In 1951, the Portuguese
overseas colonies in Africa were rebranded as Overseas
Provinces of Portugal. As communist and anti - colonial ideologies spread out across Africa, many clandestine political movements were established in support of Mozambican independence. These movements claimed that since policies and development plans were primarily designed by the ruling authorities for the benefit of Mozambique's Portuguese population, little attention was paid to Mozambique's tribal integration and the development of its native communities. According to the official guerrilla statements, this affected a majority of the indigenous population who suffered both state sponsored discrimination and enormous social pressure. Many felt they had received too little opportunity or resources to upgrade their skills and improve their economic and social situation to a degree comparable to that of the Europeans. Statistically, Mozambique's Portuguese whites were indeed wealthier and more skilled than the black indigenous majority. As a response to the guerrilla movement, the Portuguese government from the 1960s and principally the early 1970s, initiated gradual changes with new socioeconomic developments and egalitarian policies for all. The Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO) initiated a guerrilla campaign against Portuguese rule in September 1964. This conflict — along with the two others already initiated in the other Portuguese colonies of Angola and Portuguese Guinea — became part of the so-called Portuguese Colonial War (1961 - 1974). From a military standpoint, the Portuguese regular army maintained control of the population centres while the guerrilla forces sought to undermine their influence in rural and tribal areas in the north and west. As part of their response to FRELIMO, the Portuguese government began to pay more attention to creating favorable conditions for social development and economic growth. After 10 years of sporadic warfare and Portugal's return
to democracy through a leftist military coup in Lisbon
which replaced Portugal's Estado Novo regime for a
military junta (the Carnation Revolution of April 1974),
FRELIMO took control of the territory. Within a year, most
of the 250,000 Portuguese in Mozambique had left — some
expelled by the government of the nearly independent
territory, some fleeing in fear — and Mozambique became
independent from Portugal on June 25, 1975. In an act of
vengeance, a law had been passed by the then relatively
unknown Armando Guebuza in the FRELIMO party ordering the
Portuguese to leave the country in 24 hours with only 20
kilograms of luggage. Unable to salvage any of their
assets, most of them returned to Portugal. The new government, under president Samora Machel, established a one-party state based on Marxist principles. The new government received diplomatic and some military support from Cuba and the Soviet Union and proceeded to crack down on opposition. Starting shortly after the independence, the country was plagued from 1977 to 1992 by a long and violent civil war between the opposition forces of anti - Communist RENAMO rebel militias and the Marxist FRELIMO regime. This conflict, combined with sabotage from the neighboring white ruled state of Rhodesia and the Apartheid regime of South Africa, ineffective policies, failed central planning and the resulting economic collapse, characterized the first decades of Mozambican independence. This period was also marked by the exodus of Portuguese nationals and Mozambicans of Portuguese heritage, a collapsed infrastructure, lack of investment in productive assets, and government nationalization of privately owned industries as well as widespread famine. During most of the civil war, the FRELIMO formed central government was unable to exercise effective control outside of urban areas, many of which were cut off from the capital. It is reported that in RENAMO controlled areas, which included up to 50% of the rural areas in several provinces, health services of any kind was isolated from assistance for years. The problem worsened when the government cut back spending on health care. The war was marked by mass human rights violations from both sides of the conflict with RENAMO contributing to the chaos through the use of terror and indiscriminate targeting of civilians. The central government also executed numerous people when trying to extend its control throughout the country and sent tens of thousands of people to re-education camps where tens of thousands died. In one time RENAMO proposed the peace agreement based on secession of their controlled northern and western territories to found an independent Republic of Rombesia, but FRELIMO refused considering to have power in the whole country. An estimated one million Mozambicans perished during the civil war, 1.7 million took refuge in neighboring states, and several million more were internally displaced. The FRELIMO regime also gave shelter and support to South African (African National Congress) and Zimbabwean (Zimbabwe African National Union) rebel movements while the governments of first Rhodesia and later South Africa (at that time still operating the Apartheid laws) backed RENAMO in the civil war. On October 19, 1986, Samora Machel was on his way back from an international meeting in Zambia in the presidential Tupolev Tu-134 aircraft when the plane crashed in the Lebombo Mountains, near Mbuzini. There were ten survivors, but President Machel and thirty - three others died, including ministers and officials of the Mozambique government. The United Nations' Soviet delegation issued a minority report contending that their expertise and experience had been undermined by the South Africans. Representatives of the Soviet Union advanced the theory that the plane had been intentionally diverted by a false navigational beacon signal, using a technology provided by military intelligence operatives of the South African government. Machel's successor, Joaquim Chissano, implemented sweeping changes in the country, starting reforms such as changing from Marxism to capitalism, and began peace talks with RENAMO. The new constitution enacted in 1990 provided for a multi-party political system, market based economy, and free elections. The civil war ended in October 1992 with the Rome General Peace Accords, first brokered by the CCM, the Christian Council of Mozambique (Council of Protestant Churches) and then taken over by Community of Sant' Egidio. Under supervision of the ONUMOZ peacekeeping force of the United Nations, peace returned to Mozambique. By 1993 more than 1.5 million Mozambican refugees who had sought asylum in neighboring Malawi, Zimbabwe, Swaziland, Zambia, Tanzania and South Africa as a result of war and drought had returned, as part of the largest repatriation witnessed in sub-Saharan Africa. Mozambique
is divided into ten provinces (provincias) and one
capital city (cidade capital) with provincial
status. The provinces are subdivided into 129 districts (distritos).
The districts are further divided in 405 "Postos
Administrativos" (Administrative Posts) and then into
Localidades (Localities), the lowest geographical level of
the central state administration. Since 1998, 43
"Municípios" (Municipalities) have been created in
Mozambique. The districts of Mozambique are divided into 405 postos. Postos administrativos (administrative posts) are the main subdivisions of districts. This name, in use during colonial times, was abolished after independence, and was replaced by localidades (localities). However, it was re-established in 1986. Administrative posts are headed by a Secretário (secretary), which before independence were called Chefes de Posto (post chief). Administrative posts can be further subdivided into
localities, also headed by secretaries. At 309,475 sq mi (801,537 km2), Mozambique is the world's 35th largest country. It is comparable in size to Turkey. Mozambique is located on the southeast coast of Africa. It is bound by Swaziland to the south, South Africa to the southwest, Zimbabwe to the west, Zambia and Malawi to the northwest, Tanzania to the north and the Indian Ocean to the east. Mozambique lies between latitudes 10° and 27°S, and longitudes 30° and 41°E. The country is divided into two topographical regions by the Zambezi River. To the north of the Zambezi River, the narrow coastline moves inland to hills and low plateaus, and further west to rugged highlands, which include the Niassa highlands, Namuli or Shire highlands, Angonia highlands, Tete highlands and the Makonde plateau, covered with miombo woodlands. To the south of the Zambezi River, the lowlands are broader with the Mashonaland plateau and Lebombo Mountains located in the deep south. The country is drained by five principal rivers and several smaller ones with the largest and most important the Zambezi. The country has four notable lakes: Lake Niassa (or Malawi), Lake Chiuta, Lake Cahora Bassa and Lake Shirwa, all in the north. The major cities are Maputo, Beira, Nampula, Tete, Quelimane, Chimoio, Pemba, Inhambane, Xai-Xai and Lichinga. Mozambique has a tropical climate with two seasons, a wet season from October to March and a dry season from April to September. Climatic conditions, however, vary depending on altitude. Rainfall is heavy along the coast and decreases in the north and south. Annual precipitation varies from 500 to 900 mm (19.7 to 35.4 in) depending on the region, with an average of 590 mm (23.2 in). Cyclones are common during the wet season. Average temperature ranges in Maputo are from 13 to 24 °C (55.4 to 75.2 °F) in July to 22 to 31 °C (71.6 to 87.8 °F) in February. Mozambique
is a multi-party democracy under the 1990 constitution.
The executive branch comprises a president, prime minister and Council of
Ministers. There is a National
Assembly and municipal assemblies. The judiciary
comprises a Supreme Court and provincial, district and
municipal courts. Suffrage is universal at eighteen. In the 1994 elections, Joaquim Chissano was elected President with 53% of the vote, and a 250 member National Assembly was voted in with 129 Liberation Front of Mozambique (FRELIMO) deputies, 112 Mozambican National Resistance (RENAMO) deputies, and nine representatives of three smaller parties that formed the Democratic Union (UD). Since its formation in 1994, the National Assembly has made progress in becoming a body increasingly more independent of the executive. By 1999, more than one-half (53%) of the legislation passed originated in the Assembly. After some delays, in 1998 the country held its first local elections to provide for local representation and some budgetary authority at the municipal level. The principal opposition party, RENAMO, boycotted the local elections, citing flaws in the registration process. Independent slates contested the elections and won seats in municipal assemblies.Turnout was very low. In the aftermath of the 1998 local elections, the government resolved to make more accommodations to the opposition's procedural concerns for the second round of multiparty national elections in 1999. Working through the National Assembly, the electoral law was rewritten and passed by consensus in December 1998. Financed largely by international donors, a very successful voter registration was conducted from July to September 1999, providing voter registration cards to 85% of the potential electorate (more than seven million voters). The second general elections were held December 3-5, 1999, with high voter turnout. International and domestic observers agreed that the voting process was well organized and went smoothly. Both the opposition and observers subsequently cited flaws in the tabulation process that, had they not occurred, might have changed the outcome. In the end, however, international and domestic observers concluded that the close result of the vote reflected the will of the people. President Chissano won the presidency with a margin of 4% over the RENAMO - Electoral Union coalition candidate, Afonso Dhlakama, and began his five year term in January, 2000. FRELIMO increased its majority in the National Assembly with 133 out of 250 seats. RENAMO-UE coalition won 116 seats, one went independent, and no third parties were represented. The opposition coalition did not accept the National Election Commission's results of the presidential vote and filed a formal complaint to the Supreme Court. One month after the voting, the court dismissed the opposition's challenge and validated the election results. The opposition did not file a complaint about the results of the legislative vote. The second local elections, involving thirty - three municipalities with some 2.4 million registered voters, took place in November 2003. This was the first time that FRELIMO, RENAMO-UE, and independent parties competed without significant boycotts. The 24% turnout was well above the 15% turnout in the first municipal elections. FRELIMO won twenty - eight mayoral positions and the majority in twenty - nine municipal assemblies, while RENAMO won five mayoral positions and the majority in four municipal assemblies. The voting was conducted in an orderly fashion without violent incidents. However, the period immediately after the elections was marked by objections about voter and candidate registration and vote tabulation, as well as calls for greater transparency. In May 2009, the government approved a new general
elections law that contained innovations based on the
experience of the 2003 municipal elections. Presidential
and National Assembly elections took place on December
1-2, 2004. FRELIMO candidate Armando Guebuza won with 64%
of the popular vote. His opponent, Afonso Dhlakama of
RENAMO, received 32% of the popular vote. FRELIMO won 160
seats in Parliament. A coalition of RENAMO and several
small parties won the 90 remaining seats. Armando Guebuza
was inaugurated as the President of Mozambique on February
2, 2005. RENAMO and some other opposition parties made
claims of election fraud and denounced the result. These
claims were supported by international observers (among
others by the European Union Election Observation Mission
to Mozambique and the Carter Centre) to the elections who
criticized the fact that the National Electoral Commission
(CNE) did not conduct fair and transparent elections. They
listed a whole range of shortcomings by the electoral
authorities that benefited the ruling party FRELIMO.
However, according to EU observers, the elections
shortcomings have probably not affected the final result
in the presidential election. On the other hand, the
observers have declared that the outcome of the
parliamentary election and thus the distribution of seats
in the National Assembly does not reflect the will of the
Mozambican people and is clearly to the disadvantage of
RENAMO. While allegiances dating back to the liberation struggle remain relevant, Mozambique's foreign policy has become increasingly pragmatic. The twin pillars of Mozambique's foreign policy are maintenance of good relations with its neighbors and maintenance and expansion of ties to development partners. During the 1970s and the early 1980s, Mozambique's foreign policy was inextricably linked to the struggles for majority rule in Rhodesia and South Africa as well as superpower competition and the Cold War. Mozambique's decision to enforce UN sanctions against Rhodesia and deny that country access to the sea led Ian Smith's government to undertake overt and covert actions to destabilize the country. Although the change of government in Zimbabwe in 1980 removed this threat, the government of South Africa continued to finance the destabilization of Mozambique. Mozambique also belonged to the Front Line States. The 1984 Nkomati Accord, while failing in its goal of ending South African support to RENAMO, opened initial diplomatic contacts between the Mozambican and South African governments. This process gained momentum with South Africa's elimination of apartheid, which culminated in the establishment of full diplomatic relations in October 1993. While relations with neighboring Zimbabwe, Malawi, Zambia, and Tanzania show occasional strains, Mozambique's ties to these countries remain strong. In the years immediately following its independence, Mozambique benefited from considerable assistance from some Western countries, notably the Scandinavians. The Soviet Union and its allies, however, became Mozambique's primary economic, military and political supporters and its foreign policy reflected this linkage. This began to change in 1983; in 1984 Mozambique joined the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. Western aid by the Scandinavian countries of Sweden, Norway, Denmark and Iceland quickly replaced Soviet support. Finland and the Netherlands are becoming increasingly important sources of development assistance. Italy also maintains a profile in Mozambique as a result of its key role during the peace process. Relations with Portugal, the former colonial power, continue to be important, as Portuguese investors play a visible role in Mozambique's economy. Mozambique is a member of the Non-Aligned Movement and ranks among the moderate members of the African bloc in the United Nations and other international organizations. Mozambique also belongs to the African Union (formerly the Organisation of African Unity) and the Southern African Development Community. In 1994, the government became a full member of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference, in part to broaden its base of international support but also to please the country's sizable Muslim population. Similarly, in early 1996 Mozambique joined its Anglophone neighbors in the Commonwealth of Nations. At the time it was the only nation to have joined the Commonwealth that was never part of the British Empire. In the same year, Mozambique became a founding member and the first President of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries (CPLP), and maintains close ties with other Lusophone states. The official currency is the New Metical (as of February 2013, 1 USD is roughly equivalent to 30 New Meticals), which replaced old Meticals at the rate of a thousand to one. The old currency will be redeemed by the Bank of Mozambique until the end of 2012. The US dollar, South African rand, and recently the euro are also widely accepted and used in business transactions. The minimum legal salary is around US$60 per month. Mozambique is a member of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The SADC free trade protocol is aimed at making the Southern African region more competitive by eliminating tariffs and other trade barriers. The World Bank in 2007 talked of Mozambique's 'blistering pace of economic growth'. A joint donor-government study in early 2007 said 'Mozambique is generally considered an aid success story.' The IMF in early 2007 said 'Mozambique is a success story in Sub-Saharan Africa.' Yet, despite this apparent success, both the World Bank and UNICEF used the word 'paradox' to describe rising chronic child malnutrition in the face of GDP growth. Between 1994 and 2006, average annual GDP growth was approximately 8%, however, the country remains one of the poorest and most underdeveloped in the world. In a 2006 survey, three quarters of Mozambicans said that in the past five years their economic position had remained the same or become worse. The resettlement of civil war refugees and successful economic reform have led to a high growth rate: the country has enjoyed a remarkable recovery, achieving an average annual rate of economic growth of 8% between 1996 and 2006. The devastating floods of early 2000 slowed GDP growth to 2.1%. A full recovery was achieved with growth of 14.8% in 2001. In 2003, the growth rate was 7%. The government projects the economy to continue to expand between 7% - 10% a year for the next five years, although rapid expansion in the future hinges on several major foreign investment projects, continued economic reform, and the revival of the agriculture, transportation, and tourism sectors. More than 75% of the population engages in small-scale agriculture, which still suffers from inadequate infrastructure, commercial networks, and investment. However, 88% of Mozambique's arable land is still uncultivated. More
than 1,200 state owned enterprises (mostly small) have
been privatized.
Preparations for privatization and/or sector
liberalization are underway for the remaining parastatal
enterprises, including telecommunications, energy, ports
and railways. The government frequently selects a
strategic foreign investor when privatizing a parastatal.
Additionally, customs duties have been reduced, and
customs management has been streamlined and reformed. The
government introduced a value-added tax in 1999 as part of
its efforts to increase domestic revenues. Plans for
2003-04 included Commercial Code reform; comprehensive
judicial reform; financial sector strengthening; continued
civil service reform; and improved government budget,
audit, and inspection capability. Further political
instability resulting from the floods left thousands
homeless, displaced within their own country. Mozambique’s economy has been shaken by a number of corruption scandals. In July 2011, the government proposed new anti-corruption laws to criminalize embezzlement, influence peddling and graft, following numerous instances of theft of public money. This has been endorsed by the country’s Council of Ministers. Mozambique has convicted two former ministers for graft in the past two years. Mozambique was ranked 116 of 178 countries in anti - graft watchdog Transparency International's latest index of global corruption. According to a USAID report written in 2005, “the scale and scope of corruption in Mozambique are cause for alarm.” In March 2012, the government of the southern Mozambican province of Inhambane uncovered the misappropriation of public funds by the director of the Provincial Anti - Drugs Office, Calisto Alberto Tomo. He was found to have colluded with the accountant in the Anti - Drugs Office, Recalda Guambe, to steal over 260,000 meticais between 2008 and 2010. In
2012, large natural gas reserves were discovered in
Mozambique, revenues from which might dramatically change
the economy. The north - central provinces of Zambezia and Nampula are the most populous, with about 45% of the population. The estimated four million Macua are the dominant group in the northern part of the country; the Sena and Shona (mostly Ndau) are prominent in the Zambezi valley, and the Shangaan (Tsonga) dominate in southern Mozambique. Other groups include Makonde, Yao, Swahili, Tonga, Chopi and Nguni (including Zulu). Bantu people comprise 97.8% of the population, with the rest including White Africans (largely of Portuguese ancestry), Euro - Africans (mestiço people of mixed Bantu and Portuguese heritage) and Indians. Roughly 45,000 people of Indian descent reside in Mozambique. During Portuguese colonial rule, a large minority of
people of Portuguese descent lived permanently in almost
all areas of the country, and Mozambicans with Portuguese
blood at the time of independence numbered about 360,000.
Many of these left the region after independence from
Portugal in 1975. There are various estimates for the size
of Mozambique's Chinese community, ranging from 7,000 to
12,000 as of 2007. Portuguese is the official and most widely spoken language of the nation, spoken by 50.3% of the population. 39.7%, mostly representing the indigenous African population, speak it as their second language and only 10.7% speak it as their first language. Most Mozambicans living in the cities speak Portuguese as their first language. The Bantu group languages of Mozambique that are indigenous to the country vary greatly in their groupings and in some cases are rather poorly appreciated and documented. Apart from its lingua franca uses in the north of the country, Swahili is spoken in a small area of the coast next to the Tanzanian border; south of this, towards Moçambique Island, Kimwani, regarded as a dialect of Swahili, is used. Immediately inland of the Swahili area, Makonde is used, separated farther inland by a small strip of Makhuwa speaking territory from an area where Yao or ChiYao is used. Makonde and Yao belong to a different group, Yao being very close to the Mwera language of the Rondo Plateau area in Tanzania. Prepositions appear in these languages as locative prefixes prefixed to the noun and declined according to their own noun - class. Some Nyanja is used at the coast of Lake Malawi, as well as on the other side of the Lake bordering on Malawi. Somewhat different from all of these are the languages of the eMakhuwa group, with a loss of initial k-, which means that many nouns begin with a vowel: for example, epula = "rain". There is eMakhuwa proper, with the related eLomwe and eChuwabo, with a small eKoti speaking area at the coast. In an area straddling the lower Zambezi, Sena, which belongs to the same group as Nyanja, is spoken, with areas speaking the related CiNyungwe and CiSenga further upriver. A large Shona speaking area extends between the Zimbabwe border and the sea: this was formerly known the Ndau variety but now uses the orthography of the Standard Shona of Zimbabwe. Apparently similar to Shona, but lacking the tone patterns of the Shona language, and regarded by its speakers as quite separate, is CiBalke, also called Rue or Barwe, used in a small country near the Zimbabwe border. South of this area are languages of the Shangaan group, which are quite different again. XiTswa or Tswa occurs at the coast and inland, XiTsonga or Tsonga straddles the area around the Limpopo River, including such local dialects as XiChangana. This language area extends into neighboring South Africa. Still related to these, but distinct, are GiTonga and CiCopi or Chopi spoken north of the mouth of the Limpopo, and XiRonga or Ronga in the immediate region around Maputo. The languages in this group are, judging by the short vocabularies, very vaguely similar to Zulu, but obviously not in the same immediate group. There are small Swazi and Zulu speaking areas in Mozambique immediately next to the Swaziland and KwaZulu - Natal borders. Arabs, Chinese, and Indians primarily speak Portuguese
and some Hindi. Indians from Portuguese India speak any of
the Portuguese Creoles
of their origin aside from Portuguese as their second
language. The 2007 census found that Christians made up 56.1% of Mozambique's population and Muslims comprised 17.9% of the population. 7.3% of the people held other beliefs, mainly animism, and 18.7% had no religious beliefs. The Roman Catholic Church has established twelve dioceses (Beira, Chimoio, Gurué, Inhambane, Lichinga, Maputo, Nacala, Nampula, Pemba, Quelimane, Tete and Xai-Xai; archdioceses are Beira, Maputo and Nampula). Statistics for the dioceses range from a low 7.44% Catholics in the population in the diocese of Chimoio, to 87.50% in Quelimane diocese (2006 official Catholic figures). The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter - day Saints (LDS Church) has established a growing presence in Mozambique. It first began sending missionaries to Mozambique in 1999, and, as of December 2011, had more than 5600 members. The Baha'i Faith has been present in Mozambique since the early 1950s but did not openly identify itself in those years because of the strong influence of the Catholic Church which did not recognize it officially as a world religion. The independence in 1975 saw the entrance of new pioneers. In total there are about 3,000 declared Baha'is in Mozambique as of 2010. The Administrative Committee is located in Maputo. Muslims are particularly present in the north of the country. They are organized in several "tariqa" or brotherhoods (of the Qadiriya or Shadhuliyyah branch). Two national organizations also exist – the Conselho Islâmico de Moçambique (reformists) and the Congresso Islâmico de Moçambique (pro-Sufi). There are also important Indo - Pakistani associations as well as some Shia and particularly Ismaili communities. Among the main Protestant
churches are Igreja União Baptista de Moçambique, the
Assembleias de Deus, the Seventh
- day Adventists, the Anglican Church of Southern
Africa, the Igreja do Evangelho Completo de Deus, the Igreja Metodista Unida, the Igreja Presbiteriana de Moçambique,
the Igreja de Cristo and the Assembleia
Evangélica de Deus. The fertility rate is at about 5.5 births per woman. Public expenditure on health was at 2.7% of the GDP in 2004, whereas private expenditure on health was at 1.3% in the same year. Health expenditure per capita was 42 US$ (PPP) in 2004. In the early 21st century there were 3 physicians per 100,000 people in the country. Infant mortality was at 100 per 1,000 births in 2005. After its independence from Portugal in 1975, the Mozambique government established a primary health care system that was cited by the WHO as a model for other developing countries. Over 90% of the population had been provided with vaccination. During the period of early 1980s around 11% of the government budget was targeted on health care. However, the Mozambique civil war led to a great setback to the primary health system in Mozambique. The RENAMO's attack on government infrastructures including health and education systems from 1980 to 1992. In June 2011, the United Nations Population Fund released a report on The State of the World's Midwifery. It contained new data on the midwifery workforce and policies relating to newborn and maternal mortality for 58 countries. The 2010 maternal mortality rate per 100,000 births for Mozambique is 550. This is compared with 598.8 in 2008 and 385 in 1990. The under 5 mortality rate, per 1,000 births is 147 and the neonatal mortality as a percentage of under 5's mortality is 29. The aim of this report is to highlight ways in which the Millennium Development Goals can be achieved, particularly Goal 4 – Reduce child mortality and Goal 5 – improve maternal death. In Mozambique the number of midwives per 1,000 live births is 3 and 1 in 37 shows us the lifetime risk of death for pregnant women. The official prevalence of HIV in Mozambique in 2011 was 11.5% for the population in the age range between 15 and 49 years (a common reference for HIV statistics). This is lower than several of the neighboring countries in Southern Africa. For the southern parts of the country (Maputo and Gaza provinces) the official figures are more than twice as high as the national average. In 2011 the health authorities estimated about 1.7 million Mozambicans were HIV positive, of whom 600,000 were in need of anti - retroviral treatment. As per December 2011 240,000 were receiving such treatment. According to the 2011 UNAIDS Report, the HIV / AIDS epidemic in Mozambique seems to be leveling off. As NGOs do for many developing countries, Mozambique is supported by the rest of the world. Due to foreign aid management difficulties and the inequity of the local community, the NGOs fragment the primary health care system in Mozambique. It is the time that foreign aids and NGOs can think of a new way to help developing countries like Mozambique. Health researcher, James Pfeiffer argues that in addition
to installing a new aid management strategy, a new
paradigm of cooperation must be formed in order to
facilitate the exchange between aid workers and the local
health workers in the developing world. The new paradigm
will help to promote a long-lasting positive impact on the
local health institutions and strengthen the professional
relationship between the health workers. Since independence from Portugal in 1975, school construction and teacher training enrollments have not kept up with population increases. Especially after the Mozambican Civil War (1977 - 1992), with post war enrollments reaching all-time highs due to stability and youth population growth, the quality of education suffered. All Mozambicans are required by law to attend school through the primary level; however, a lot of children in Mozambique do not go to primary school because they have to work for their families' subsistence farms for a living. In 2007, one million children still did not go to school, most of them from poor rural families, and almost half of all teachers in Mozambique were still unqualified. Girls’ enrollment increased from 3 million in 2002 to 4.1 million in 2006 while the completion rate increased from 31,000 to 90,000, which testified a very poor completion rate. After grade 7, students must take standardized national exams to enter secondary school, which runs from 8th to 10th grade. Space in Mozambican universities is extremely limited; thus most students who complete pre-university school do not immediately proceed on to university studies. Many go to work as teachers or are unemployed. There are also institutes which give more vocational training, specializing in agricultural, technical or pedagogical studies, which students may attend after grade 10 in lieu of a pre-university school. After independence from Portugal in 1975, a number of
Mozambican students continued to be admitted every year at
Portuguese high schools, polytechnical institutes and
universities, through bilateral agreements between the
Portuguese government and the Mozambican government. The music of Mozambique can serve many purposes, ranging from religious expression to traditional ceremonies. Musical instruments are usually handmade. Some of the instruments used in Mozambican musical expression include drums made of wood and animal skin; the lupembe, a woodwind instrument made from animal horns or wood; and the marimba, which is a kind of xylophone native to Mozambique. The marimba is a popular instrument with the Chopi of the south central coast who are famous for their musical skill and dance. Some would say that Mozambique's music is similar to reggae and West Indian calypso. Other music types are popular in Mozambique like marrabenta, and other Lusophone music forms like fado, samba, bossa nova, maxixe (with origins from Maxixe, and kizomba). The Makonde are renowned for their wood carving and elaborate masks, see picture below, that are commonly used in traditional dances. There are two different kinds of wood carvings. Shetani, (evil spirits), which are mostly carved in heavy ebony, tall, and elegantly curved with symbols and nonrepresentational faces. The Ujamaa are totem - type carvings which illustrate lifelike faces of people and various figures. Theses sculptures are usually referred to as “family trees” because they tell stories of many generations. During the last years of the colonial period, Mozambican art reflected the oppression by the colonial power, and became symbol of the resistance. After independence in 1975, the modern art came into a new phase. The two best known and most influential contemporary Mozambican artists are the painter Malangatana Ngwenya and the sculptor Alberto Chissano. Also a lot of the post-independence art during the 1980s and 1990s reflect the political struggle, civil war, suffering, starvation and struggle. Dances are usually intricate, highly developed traditions throughout Mozambique. There are many different kinds of dances from tribe to tribe which are usually ritualistic in nature. The Chopi, for instance, act out battles dressed in animal skins. The men of Makua dress in colorful outfits and masks while dancing on stilts around the village for hours. Groups of women in the northern part of the country perform a traditional dance called tufo, to celebrate Islamic holidays. Present for nearly 500 years, the Portuguese greatly impacted the cuisine of Mozambique. Staples and crops such as cassava (a starchy root of Brazilian origin), cashew nuts (also of Brazilian origin, though Mozambique was once the largest producer of these nuts) and pãozinho (pronounced [pɐ̃wˈzĩɲu], those are Portuguese style French buns) were brought in by the Portuguese. The use of spices and seasonings such as onions, bay leaves, garlic, fresh coriander, paprika, chili peppers, red sweet peppers and wine were introduced by the Portuguese, as were sugarcane, maize, millet, rice, sorghum (a type of grass) and potatoes. Prego (steak roll), rissóis (battered shrimp), espetada (kebab), pudim (pudding) and the popular inteiro com piripiri (whole chicken in piri-piri sauce) are all Portuguese dishes commonly eaten in present day Mozambique. Football (Portuguese: futebol) is the most popular sport in Mozambique. The T.V. stations watched by Mozambicans are Televisão Moçambique, YTV and RTP África; Portuguese T.V. stations RTP Internacional, SIC Internacional, SIC Notícias, MTV Portugal, Disney Channel Portugal, SuperSport 7, TSN and Euronews; and Brazilian T.V. stations TV Globo International and TV Record are also watched on T.V. throughout Mozambique. Mozambique was ruled by Portugal and they share in common a main language and second main religion (Roman Catholicism). But since most of the people are Bantus, most of the culture is native and for Bantus living in urban areas with some Portuguese influence. Mozambican culture influences the Portuguese culture. Mozambican music, movies (by RTP África), food and traditions are now part of everyday lifestyles of Portugal. |