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Makarios III (Greek: Μακάριος Γ), born Michail Christodoulou Mouskos (Greek: Μιχαήλ Χριστοδούλου Μούσκος) (August 13, 1913 – August 3, 1977), was the archbishop and primate of the autocephalous Cypriot Orthodox Church (1950 – 1977) and the first President of the Republic of Cyprus (1960 – 1974 and 1974 – 1977). Michail Christodolou Mouskos was born in Panayia village in the Paphos District. In 1926, aged 13, he was admitted to Kykkos Monastery as a novice. At age 20 he was sent to the Pancyprian Gymnasium in Nicosia, where he completed his secondary education in 1936. He spent the difficult years of World War II studying theology and law at the University of Athens, graduating in 1942. He took up the duties of a priest in the Cypriot Orthodox Church while sustaining an interest in academic theology; he received a World Council of Churches scholarship to undertake further study at Boston University in Massachusetts. In 1948, while still studying at Boston, he was elected Bishop of Kition. Mouskos adopted the clerical name Makarios and returned to Cyprus. Like many public figures in the Greek Cypriot community on Cyprus, in the 1940s and 1950s he was an active supporter of enosis, the union of Cyprus with Greece. On September 18, 1950, Makarios was elected Archbishop of Cyprus. In this role he was not only the official head of the Orthodox Church in Cyprus, but became the Ethnarch, de facto national leader of the Greek Cypriot community. This highly influential position put Makarios at the centre of Cypriot politics. During
the 1950s, Makarios embraced his dual role as Archbishop and Ethnarch
with enthusiasm and became a very popular figure among Greek Cypriots.
He soon became a leading advocate for enosis, and during the early part
of the decade he maintained close links with the Greek government. In
August 1954, partly at Makarios' instigation, Greece began to raise the Cyprus dispute at the United Nations, arguing for the principle of self - determination to
be applied to Cyprus. This was viewed by advocates of enosis as likely
to result in the voluntary union of Cyprus with Greece following a
public plebiscite. However,
the British government were reluctant to decolonise the island which
had become their new headquarters for the Middle East. In 1955, a
pro-enosis organisation was formed under the banner of Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston (in
English "National Organisation of Cypriot Fighters"), or EOKA. This was
a typical independence movement of the period. Makarios undoubtedly had
common political ground with EOKA and was acquainted with its leader,
the Greek soldier and politician George Grivas,
but the extent of his involvement is unclear and disputed. In later
life he categorically denied any involvement in the violent resistance
undertaken by EOKA. On August 20, 1955, Greece submitted a petition to the United Nations requesting
the application of the principle of self - determination to the people of
Cyprus. After that, the colonial government of Cyprus enforced the
anti - sedition laws for the purpose of preventing or suppressing
demonstrations for freedom; but the archbishop defied them and
continued demanding self - determination for Cyprus. In October 1955, with the security situation deteriorating, the British governor, Sir John Harding,
opened talks on the island’s future. By this stage, Makarios had become
closely identified with the insurgency, and talks broke up without any
agreement in early 1956. Makarios, characterised in the British press
as a crooked Cypriot priest and viewed with suspicion by the British
authorities, was intercepted by Special Branch officers whilst attempting to board a flight at Nicosia airport. The joint Police / Military plan, codenamed Operation Airborne saw Makarios exiled to Mahe Island in the Seychelles on
9 March 1956, as a ‘guest’ of Sir William Addis, Governor &
Commander - in - Chief of the Seychelles. The Archbishop and his staff were
flown to Aden and then on to Mombassa.
At the Kenyan port the party were embarked in the East African Naval
Vessel “Rosalind”, escorted by the frigate HMS “Loch Fada”. The
flotilla arrived in Port Victoria on 14 March. In the latter years of the 1950s, the Turkish Cypriot community first began to float the idea of Taksim or partition, as a counter weight to the Greek ideal of enosis or union. Advocates of Taksim felt that the Turkish Cypriot community would be persecuted in a Greek Cyprus, and that only by keeping part of the island under either British or Turkish sovereignty could the safety of the Turkish Cypriots be guaranteed. In this way the Cyprus dispute became increasingly polarised between two communities with opposing visions on the future of the island. Makarios was released from exile after a year, although he was still forbidden to return to Cyprus. He went instead to Athens, where he was rapturously received. Basing himself in the Greek capital,
he continued to work for enosis. During the following two years he
attended the General Assembly of the United Nations where the Cyprus question was discussed and worked hard to achieve freedom for his people. Under the premiership of Constantine Karamanlis in Greece, the goal of enosis gradually was abandoned in favour of Cypriot independence. Negotiations in 1958 generated the Zurich Agreement as a basis for a deal on independence, and Makarios was invited to London in
1959 to finetune the plan. Makarios at first refused to accept the
plan. The reversal of his pro-enosis stance, and his eventual agreement
to sign the conditions for the independence of Cyprus, have been
attributed to moral persuasion on behalf of the Greek and British
governments. On March 1, 1959 the archbishop returned to Cyprus to an unprecedented reception in Nicosia, where almost two - thirds of the adult Greek Cypriot population turned out to welcome him. Presidential elections were held on December 13, 1959. Makarios defeated his rival, lawyer John Klerides, father of future president and Makarios ally Glafkos Klerides,
receiving two - thirds of the vote. Makarios was to become the political
leader of all Cyprus as well as the communal leader of the Greek
Cypriots. After his election Makarios, together with the Vice - President - elect, Dr. Fazıl Küçük,
continued to draw up plans for Cyprus’s future. By now, Makarios had
accepted that enosis was not to be, and that the only outcome which
could secure harmony in Cyprus was robust independence. Taking office
on August 16, 1960, the day the Union Flag was finally lowered in Nicosia, Makarios moved towards the moderate centre of Cypriot politics and now pursued a policy of non - alignment, cultivating good relations with Turkey as well as Greece and becoming a high profile member of the Non - Aligned Movement (NAM). In March 1961, Cyprus was admitted as member of the Commonwealth of Nations and Makarios represented the island at the Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference. He attended the Belgrade NAM conference in September 1961, and unnerved the governments in London and Washington, D.C., with his lukewarm policy towards the West. This was seen in the U.S. as demonstrating a tendency towards communism; Makarios was vilified as the "Castro of the Mediterranean" although he had by now been rehabilitated in the British press and was
affectionately nicknamed "Black Mak" on account of his clerical garb. But
the idea of an independent path for Cyprus had not taken root among the
general public at home. There was increasing acrimony between Turkish
and Greek Cypriots about the workings of the constitution, and Makarios
was forced to act to salvage the machinery of state from imminent
collapse. In November 1963, Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to
the Constitution, which would free many public offices from the ethnic
restrictions agreed in London and Zurich. This, he argued, would allow
the government to operate more efficiently, and bring together the
communities by dissolving rigid inter - ethnic legal boundaries. However,
the Amendments were seen by many Turkish Cypriots as threatening
constitutional protections against domination by the majority Greek
Cypriots. In
response to Makarios' proposals, most Turkish Cypriots in public
office, including Vice - President Küçük, resigned;
large numbers of Turkish Cypriots moved out of ethnically mixed areas
into villages and towns where the population was already largely
Turkish Cypriot. There is still dispute over the motives for this, some
arguing that it was made necessary by the intimidation of the Turkish
Cypriots by the Greek Cypriots; others suggest that the Turkish
community was sabotaging the Cypriot settlement and already preparing
for partition by Turkey. By the end of 1963, intercommunal violence had
broken out once again. The political landscape in Cyprus remained intractable. UN peacekeeping operations (UNFICYP)
commenced in 1964 and helped to soothe, but not solve, the situation.
Makarios continued his high - profile neutrality, but ultimately failed
either to reassure the Turkish Cypriots that they were safe in an
independent Cyprus, or to convince the Greek Cypriots that independence
was a satisfactory alternative to assimilation within a Greater Greece. President
Makarios, seeking a fresh mandate from his constituency, announced in
January 1968 that elections would be held during February. Makarios
received 220,911 votes (about 96 percent), and his opponent, Takis
Evdokas, who ran on a platform for unification with Greece, received
8,577 votes. Even though there were 16,215 abstentions, Makarios'
overwhelming victory was seen as a massive endorsement of his personal
leadership and of an independent Cyprus. At his investiture, the
president stated that the Cyprus problem could not be solved by force,
but had to be worked out within the framework of the UN. He also said
that he and his followers wanted to live peacefully in a unitary state
where all citizens enjoyed equal rights. Some Cypriots opposed
Makarios' conciliatory stance (and there was an unsuccessful attempt to
assassinate him in 1970). In 1967, a military junta seized power in
Athens, and the relationship between the regime and Makarios was tense.
Makarios held that the regime undermined his authority by supporting
paramilitary organisations committed to enosis. In
the summer of 1971, tension built up between the two Cypriot
communities, and incidents became more numerous. Sometime in the late
summer or early autumn, Grivas (who had attacked Makarios as a traitor
in an Athens newspaper) returned secretly to the island and began to
rebuild his guerrilla organisation, which became known as the National
Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B, aka EOKA B).
Three new newspapers advocating enosis were also established; all of
these activities were funded by the military junta in Greece. The
junta probably would have agreed to some form of partition similar to
the Acheson Plan to settle the Cyprus question; however it faced
rejection by Makarios. The
overthrow of Makarios became the primary objective, and the junta
backed Grivas toward that end. From hiding, Grivas directed terrorist
attacks and propaganda assaults that shook the Makarios government, but the president remained both a powerful and popular leader. Relations
between Nicosia and Athens were so bad that the colonels of the Greek
junta, recognizing that they had Makarios in a perilous position,
issued an ultimatum for him to reform his government and rid it of
ministers who had been critical of the junta. Mass demonstrations
proved that Makarios had the people behind him. In the end, however, Makarios bowed to Greek pressure and reshuffled the cabinet. Another element working against Makarios was the fact that most officers of the Cypriot National Guard were
Greek regulars who supported the junta, and they embraced its desire to
remove him from office and achieve some degree of enosis. Grivas also
continued to be a threat to the archbishop. He remained powerful and to
some extent was independent of the junta that had permitted his return
to Cyprus. While the Greek colonels were at times prepared to make a
deal with Turkey about Cyprus, Grivas was ferociously opposed to any
arrangement that did not lead to complete enosis. In
the spring of 1972, Makarios faced an attack from another quarter. The
three bishops of the Church of Cyprus demanded that he resign as
president, stating that his temporal duties violated canon law.
Makarios foiled the three bishops and had them defrocked in the summer
of 1973. Before choosing their replacements, he increased the number of
bishops to five, thereby reducing the power of individual bishops (ecclesiastical coup). As
time progressed Grivas' pursuit of enosis through guerrilla tactics
became an embarrassment to both Cyprus and Greece. However, his fame
and popularity in both countries prevented his removal. Grivas died of
a heart attack on January 27, 1974. Makarios granted his followers an
amnesty, hoping that EOKA-B would disappear after the death of its
leader. Intra - communal terror continued, however, and the 100,000
mourners who attended Grivas's funeral indicated the enduring
popularity of his political aims. On
May 3, 1974, Makarios sent the Greek government a letter that
identified certain Greek military officers stationed in Cyprus as
undermining the Cypriot government. The Greek regime responded that it
would replace the officers in question. In a second letter on July 2,
1974 he demanded the withdrawal of all Greek officers in the island.
Greek Foreign Minister Tetenes suggested, as a compromise, that
Makarios personally select the replacement officers from a roster of
Greek officers. On July 11, Glafkos Klerides visited Makarios in an unsuccessful attempt to promote a solution. On July 15, 1974 the Greek regime sponsored a coup d'etat in Nicosia. Makarios fled and was replaced by Nikos Sampson, a Cypriot newspaper editor and politician. While addressing the UN Security Council on
July 19, 1974, Makarios accused the Greek military Junta of intervening
in the internal affairs of Cyprus. Under the terms of the Treaty of Guarantee,
Britain, Greece and Turkey were entitled to co-operate in order to
intervene with the purpose of restoring the constitution of the island.
Turkey used this as an excuse to invade and occupy part of the island.
Instead of heading for Nicosia to crash the coup and restore the
constitution, Turkish troops bombed Greek civilian villages and towns
to scare the population and force them out. They ethnically cleansed
36% of the north part of Cyprus and have illegally been occupying it
since then. At this time the Greek junta was imploding, and the British government was facing the constitutional uncertainty of a hung parliament; moreover, whilst in London, Makarios lobbied for the British military not to intervene as a guarantor power. The invasion of Cyprus by Turkey occurred on July 20, 1974, five days after the coup. Northern Cyprus remains occupied by the Turkish Army,
despite the constitution and presidency having been restored. To Turks
and Turkish Cypriots it is known as a "peace operation", designed to
protect the Turkish Cypriot community. Nikos Sampson’s presidency was short lived, as the regime in Athens collapsed
only a few days after the Turkish invasion. Unsupported, Sampson fled,
and the former constitution was restored. In the continuing absence of
a vice - president, the presidency passed to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Glafkos Klerides.
Makarios remained in London for five months; then, having succeeded in
securing international recognition that his administration was the
rightful government of the whole island, he returned to Cyprus and
focused solely on restoring Cypriot territorial integrity. He was not
successful, and Turkey has remained as an occupying power ever since,
with the situation continuing to be unresolved. Makarios
III died unexpectedly, of a heart attack, on August 3, 1977. It has
recently emerged that, in order to confirm the cause of death,
Makarios' heart had been removed during an autopsy. The heart has since
been preserved in his former bedroom in the Archbishopric. He is buried in a tomb on the mountain of Throni, a site he personally chose. The tomb is near Kykkos Monastery,
where he served as a novice in the 1920s and 1930s. To commemorate his
life, an imposing bronze statue of Makarios was erected outside the
Archbishop's palace in Nicosia; in 2008 the statue was moved to Kykkos
monastery and replaced by a life size marble statue of Makarios. At
his funeral, held at St. John's Cathedral outside the Archbishopric in
Nicosia, 182 dignitaries from 52 countries attended whilst an estimated
250,000 mourners -- about half the Greek Cypriot population of the
island -- filed past the coffin. |